Despite rising geopolitical risks, intensifying trade protectionism and heightened volatility, the Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics (DGBAS) in November last year raised its 2025 economic growth forecast for Taiwan to 7.37 percent, the best since 2010. The IMF, in its World Economic Outlook released in October last year, projected Taiwan’s nominal GDP per capita would reach US$37,827, surpassing those of Japan and South Korea. Meanwhile, total market capitalization of listed companies was NT$94.36 trillion (US$2.98 trillion) as of the end of last year, putting Taiwan in eighth place globally by market value.
The stellar performance of Taiwan’s economy and stock market reflected the nation’s sound economic fundamentals and steady growth in exports, which soared 34.9 percent year-on-year to a record US$640.75 billion last year, data released on Friday by the Ministry of Finance showed. Overall, Taiwan recorded an unprecedented trade surplus of US$157.14 billion last year.
Last year’s export growth was driven by the nation’s world-leading chips and electronics products, as demand for artificial intelligence (AI) hardware and advanced computing remained strong, with no signs of easing. That partially offset the impact of a 4.27 percent rise in the New Taiwan dollar against its US counterpart, compared with rises of 4.38 percent and 1.8 percent for the yuan and the won respectively, as well as a 0.22 percent drop for the yen.
However, academics and experts said the fruits of the progress have not been equally distributed among businesses and workers in the seemingly affluent society. Some have blamed government policies, while others point to the nation’s industrial structure and the NT dollar’s exchange rate. No matter the perspective, they warned that the situation would worsen if the issue is not addressed.
While Taiwan’s GDP per capita was forecast to outpace Japan’s and South Korea’s last year, the nation’s average wage of US$1,900 per month lagged far behind Japan’s US$2,299 and South Korea’s US$2,992 in 2024, Ministry of Labor data showed. As about 80 percent of Taiwan’s workforce relies on salaries and their average wages are significantly lower than those of neighboring countries, the growth in the nation’s GDP per capita is not a major cause for celebration.
Moreover, from an income distribution perspective, the proportion of labor compensation in the nation’s GDP has declined steadily since 2012, while the ratios of corporate profits and fixed-capital consumption to GDP have been on a gradual rise over the same period. Taiwan’s labor share of GDP peaked at about 50 percent in the 1990s, but fell to a new low of 43.1 percent in 2024, compared with 47 percent for South Korea, 50 percent for Japan and more than 50 percent for the US, Germany and France, DGBAS data showed.
The declining labor share in GDP versus the rising shares in corporate profits and fixed-capital consumption certainly underscores the effect of the government’s tax, financial, industrial and foreign exchange policies, as they helped nurture Taiwan’s chip and electronics industries during the early years, which allowed them to seize opportunities in the AI boom.
However, traditional industries have continued to face macroeconomic headwinds. Such an industrial imbalance helps explain why many feel their daily lives are disconnected from the rosy headline GDP figures.
Further study is needed on whether the declining labor share in GDP signals a worsening income disparity. Thinking of this phenomenon as simply unequal wealth distribution would be an oversimplification, whereas the share of labor compensation cannot be equated with the level of wages. The large-scale return of technology and capital-intensive manufacturing industries to Taiwan over the past few years, along with the relatively high proportion of self-employed workers, are also important factors influencing the labor share in GDP.
However, what is clear is that changes in industrial structures, production models and employment dynamics have helped lift corporate profits’ share in GDP over the past 10 years or so, and a consensus has formed in Taiwanese society that workers outside the chip and electronics industries have been mostly left out of the nation’s economic prosperity. Therefore, removing the sense of relative deprivation is more important than being complacent about the seemingly satisfying GDP figures.
The conflict in the Middle East has been disrupting financial markets, raising concerns about rising inflationary pressures and global economic growth. One market that some investors are particularly worried about has not been heavily covered in the news: the private credit market. Even before the joint US-Israeli attacks on Iran on Feb. 28, global capital markets had faced growing structural pressure — the deteriorating funding conditions in the private credit market. The private credit market is where companies borrow funds directly from nonbank financial institutions such as asset management companies, insurance companies and private lending platforms. Its popularity has risen since
The Donald Trump administration’s approach to China broadly, and to cross-Strait relations in particular, remains a conundrum. The 2025 US National Security Strategy prioritized the defense of Taiwan in a way that surprised some observers of the Trump administration: “Deterring a conflict over Taiwan, ideally by preserving military overmatch, is a priority.” Two months later, Taiwan went entirely unmentioned in the US National Defense Strategy, as did military overmatch vis-a-vis China, giving renewed cause for concern. How to interpret these varying statements remains an open question. In both documents, the Indo-Pacific is listed as a second priority behind homeland defense and
Every analyst watching Iran’s succession crisis is asking who would replace supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Yet, the real question is whether China has learned enough from the Persian Gulf to survive a war over Taiwan. Beijing purchases roughly 90 percent of Iran’s exported crude — some 1.61 million barrels per day last year — and holds a US$400 billion, 25-year cooperation agreement binding it to Tehran’s stability. However, this is not simply the story of a patron protecting an investment. China has spent years engineering a sanctions-evasion architecture that was never really about Iran — it was about Taiwan. The
In an op-ed published in Foreign Affairs on Tuesday, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) said that Taiwan should not have to choose between aligning with Beijing or Washington, and advocated for cooperation with Beijing under the so-called “1992 consensus” as a form of “strategic ambiguity.” However, Cheng has either misunderstood the geopolitical reality and chosen appeasement, or is trying to fool an international audience with her doublespeak; nonetheless, it risks sending the wrong message to Taiwan’s democratic allies and partners. Cheng stressed that “Taiwan does not have to choose,” as while Beijing and Washington compete, Taiwan is strongest when