DeepSeek has changed how the world sees China. Worries over the country’s “3D” problem — that deflation, debt and demographics are structurally hampering growth — have melted away. Instead, investors are talking about how the world’s second-largest economy could take on the US and challenge its technological dominance.
There is the prevailing sense that China’s “engineer dividend” is finally paying off. Between 2000 and 2020, the number of engineers has ballooned from 5.2 million to 17.7 million, according to the State Council. That reservoir could help the nation move up the production possibility frontier, the thinking goes.
In a way, DeepSeek should not have come as a surprise. Size matters. A bigger talent pool alone gives China a better chance to disrupt. In 2022, 47 percent of the world’s top 20th percentile artificial intelligence (AI) researchers finished their undergraduate studies in China, well above the 18 percent share from the US, according to data from the Paulson Institute’s in-house think tank, MacroPolo. Last year, the Asian nation ranked third in the number of innovation indicators compiled by the World Intellectual Property Organization, after Singapore and the US.
What this also means is that innovative breakthroughs can pop out of nowhere. Hangzhou-based DeepSeek, for one, was not spawned from the prestigious Tsinghua University in Beijing. Its founder, Liang Wenfeng (梁文鋒), went to Zhejiang University, a respected institution, but by no means China’s Harvard. This month, Manus AI once again fueled questions about the US lead on AI by launching a sophisticated product capable of carrying out complex tasks such as stock analysis and resume screening. Chief executive Xiao Hong (肖弘) studied software engineering at Huazhong University of Science and Technology in Wuhan, an even lesser-known school.
Or consider start-up Unitree Robotics, whose “kung fu bots” are at the forefront of the US-China race to mass produce AI-powered humanlike robots. Its founder, Wang Xingxing (王興興), only managed to attend a local university in Shanghai, because his English exam score was dismal. In other words, do not just look at the top 1 percent to judge what China could achieve. Today, graduates from lower-ranked universities and living in smaller cities are coming out with innovations that dazzle.
More importantly, China’s got the cost advantage. Those under the age of 30 account for 44 percent of the total engineering pool, versus 20 percent in the US, according to data compiled by Kaiyuan Securities. As a result, compensation for researchers is only about one-eighth of that in the US.
Credit must be given to Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) for his focus on higher education as he seeks to upgrade China’s value chain. These days, roughly 40 percent of high-school graduates go to universities, versus 10 percent in 2000. Meanwhile, engineering is one of the most popular majors for post-graduate studies.
It is a welcome reprieve for a government that has been struggling with a shrinking population. Last year, only 9.5 million babies were born, a sharp decline from about 15 million annually before the pandemic. This number was particularly ominous — last year was the Year of the Dragon, which, according to Chinese zodiac beliefs, is considered an auspicious time to have children. An aging society, combined with worries that the exports-driven growth engine is losing steam, are leading to worries that China might become the next Japan, lost for decades to come.
The engineer narrative therefore heralds a fresh growth model. Yes, China’s labor force is aging rapidly. Yes, compared with Southeast Asia, wages have become too high for traditional exports such as smartphones and apparel. However, its engineers are still young, cheap and abundant. As a result, they open new possibilities for the country, perhaps even rivaling the West in the development of biotech, humanoid and AI applications.
By now, Beijing has practically given up defending its traditional export sectors, knowing full well the country has lost its key advantage. Instead, it would double down on developing the engineering talent pool for new sources of growth. As such, those with a bullish thesis on US tech need to consider the structural challenge China poses: Would it disrupt tech just like it did with clothes and houseware?
Shuli Ren is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering Asian markets. A former investment banker, she was a markets reporter for Barron’s. She is a CFA charterholder. This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.
The gutting of Voice of America (VOA) and Radio Free Asia (RFA) by US President Donald Trump’s administration poses a serious threat to the global voice of freedom, particularly for those living under authoritarian regimes such as China. The US — hailed as the model of liberal democracy — has the moral responsibility to uphold the values it champions. In undermining these institutions, the US risks diminishing its “soft power,” a pivotal pillar of its global influence. VOA Tibetan and RFA Tibetan played an enormous role in promoting the strong image of the US in and outside Tibet. On VOA Tibetan,
By now, most of Taiwan has heard Taipei Mayor Chiang Wan-an’s (蔣萬安) threats to initiate a vote of no confidence against the Cabinet. His rationale is that the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)-led government’s investigation into alleged signature forgery in the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) recall campaign constitutes “political persecution.” I sincerely hope he goes through with it. The opposition currently holds a majority in the Legislative Yuan, so the initiation of a no-confidence motion and its passage should be entirely within reach. If Chiang truly believes that the government is overreaching, abusing its power and targeting political opponents — then
On a quiet lane in Taipei’s central Daan District (大安), an otherwise unremarkable high-rise is marked by a police guard and a tawdry A4 printout from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs indicating an “embassy area.” Keen observers would see the emblem of the Holy See, one of Taiwan’s 12 so-called “diplomatic allies.” Unlike Taipei’s other embassies and quasi-consulates, no national flag flies there, nor is there a plaque indicating what country’s embassy this is. Visitors hoping to sign a condolence book for the late Pope Francis would instead have to visit the Italian Trade Office, adjacent to Taipei 101. The death of
As the highest elected official in the nation’s capital, Taipei Mayor Chiang Wan-an (蔣萬安) is the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) candidate-in-waiting for a presidential bid. With the exception of Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕), Chiang is the most likely KMT figure to take over the mantle of the party leadership. All the other usual suspects, from Legislative Speaker Han Kuo-yu (韓國瑜) to New Taipei City Mayor Hou You-yi (侯友宜) to KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) have already been rejected at the ballot box. Given such high expectations, Chiang should be demonstrating resolve, calm-headedness and political wisdom in how he faces tough