Native language education became normalized in elementary schools in 2002. It has been a policy for 22 years, even with its idling during the eight years of former president Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) administration. It has been an interesting ride since the curriculum’s inception. Taiwan is a multicultural society, and respecting its diverse linguistic cultures has become a widespread value in its modern democracy.
Political power shifted back to homegrown political parties in 2016, and in 2019, the Development of National Languages Act (國家語言發展法) promoted by the Ministry of Culture was passed and implemented. The ministry also confirmed which native languages were listed as choices in the compulsory curriculum for junior high and high schools, including various indigenous languages — Hakka, Hoklo (commonly known as Taiwanese), Minnanese localized to Matsu Island and other islets in Lienchiang County, as well as Taiwanese sign language. The policy has been fully rolled out since the first week of the 2022 academic year. News of its implementation was exciting, as it had been a focal point for several Taiwan-focused cultural and education-related civic groups, and specialized academics and volunteers, having undergone countless back-and-forth struggles that ultimately passed with the cooperation of government authorities and organizations.
To this end, all of Taiwan’s native languages are legally considered national languages with their official status and rights guaranteed, and they are taught starting from elementary school all the way through to high school.
So, what is the reality of the education landscape for the junior high and high school native language curriculum, which has only been implemented for just over a year?
What needs attention first and foremost is the glaring issue of teacher credentials. Native language teachers mainly consist of part-time instructors and teaching support staff who have obtained intermediate to advanced-level language certifications and full-time instructors who hold native language instruction certifications and licenses. Despite the establishment of university-level extended education credits for native language instruction, due to the sparse number of instructors out there and even the screening of incoming instructors, fully fleshed-out expertise is difficult to cultivate. Even if teachers are completely devoted to passing on their native languages, it is difficult for them to develop their expertise, leading to a waste of human resources.
Second, the curriculum material tends to be difficult. As there is a three-year junior high school gap between elementary schools and high schools, and students might have to choose a different native language or take new immigrant language courses such as Vietnamese or Indonesian, differing from what they previously studied, it could be impossible to connect the knowledge gap for some students. Add on that there are few standardized tests for native language coursework, and some learning materials lack a connection to daily life, leaving instructors frustrated. The government as well as publishers could effectively target and improve upon this dearth of materials.
Although the government’s complementary measures leave a bit to be desired, we are still resolutely determined that it should realize equality and the protection of our endangered languages and cultures. We cannot sit on our thumbs waiting until the 11th hour for all the parts to come together to implement these measures. Elementary school-level native language education has been in effect for 22 years; the present system is already well-matured. We just need to put faith in junior high and high school native language instruction to mirror the layout of the elementary school-level curriculum, gradually moving it toward perfection.
Looking to the future, the government could comprehensively implement all stipulated contents of the act, fix the shortage of instructors and materials as soon as possible, and provide opportunities for native language instructors to hone their acumen so as to fill in the present shortage of instructors, further breathing more life into Taiwan’s native languages.
Ng Siu-lin is deputy director of the Northern Taiwan Society
Translated by Tim Smith
There is much evidence that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is sending soldiers from the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to support Russia’s invasion of Ukraine — and is learning lessons for a future war against Taiwan. Until now, the CCP has claimed that they have not sent PLA personnel to support Russian aggression. On 18 April, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelinskiy announced that the CCP is supplying war supplies such as gunpowder, artillery, and weapons subcomponents to Russia. When Zelinskiy announced on 9 April that the Ukrainian Army had captured two Chinese nationals fighting with Russians on the front line with details
On a quiet lane in Taipei’s central Daan District (大安), an otherwise unremarkable high-rise is marked by a police guard and a tawdry A4 printout from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs indicating an “embassy area.” Keen observers would see the emblem of the Holy See, one of Taiwan’s 12 so-called “diplomatic allies.” Unlike Taipei’s other embassies and quasi-consulates, no national flag flies there, nor is there a plaque indicating what country’s embassy this is. Visitors hoping to sign a condolence book for the late Pope Francis would instead have to visit the Italian Trade Office, adjacent to Taipei 101. The death of
By now, most of Taiwan has heard Taipei Mayor Chiang Wan-an’s (蔣萬安) threats to initiate a vote of no confidence against the Cabinet. His rationale is that the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)-led government’s investigation into alleged signature forgery in the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) recall campaign constitutes “political persecution.” I sincerely hope he goes through with it. The opposition currently holds a majority in the Legislative Yuan, so the initiation of a no-confidence motion and its passage should be entirely within reach. If Chiang truly believes that the government is overreaching, abusing its power and targeting political opponents — then
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), joined by the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), held a protest on Saturday on Ketagalan Boulevard in Taipei. They were essentially standing for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which is anxious about the mass recall campaign against KMT legislators. President William Lai (賴清德) said that if the opposition parties truly wanted to fight dictatorship, they should do so in Tiananmen Square — and at the very least, refrain from groveling to Chinese officials during their visits to China, alluding to meetings between KMT members and Chinese authorities. Now that China has been defined as a foreign hostile force,