On March 27, the Japanese Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology’s Agency for Cultural Affairs is to move from Tokyo to Kyoto. Initially set in March 2016, the plan attracted a lot of public interest.
This agency is a small organization consisting of only 300 personnel with an annual budget of about ¥$100 billion (US$733 million).
Given that Japan’s political climate has always been conservative, it requires a strong will to move away from “Tokyo centralization.”
Likewise, Taiwan faces the issue of “northern Taiwan centralization,” alongside concerns over regional development.
The registered population in Taipei, New Taipei City, Taoyuan and Keelung is 9 million people, while the capital is the epicenter of economic growth and the hub of government agencies.
Metropolitan centralization should be considered an abnormal phenomenon and should be fixed for a country to develop evenly.
Relocating government agencies from the capital to other areas in no simple task, but it should be relatively feasible when it comes to deciding on locations for newly established ones.
It is regrettable that the Ministry of Digital Affairs, which was originally proposed to be headquartered in southern Taiwan, ended up in Taipei. It could have been placed in the south while carrying out its mandate nationwide, making the most of its digital competence.
A basic principle of risk diversification is to never put all your eggs in one basket. Can the Ministry of Culture move to Tainan? Can the Coast Guard Administration return to Kaohsiung under the Ocean Affairs Council?
Many government agencies need not be housed in Taipei. Agencies of the Council of Agriculture, including the Agriculture and Food Agency, Fisheries Agency and Forestry Bureau, could be relocated closer to mountains or the coast.
With elections next year, parties should consider these issues when drafting their agendas for presidential and legislative candidates.
Lo Cheng-chung is a professor and director of the Southern Taiwan University of Science and Technology’s Institute of Financial and Economic Law.
Translated by Liu Yi-hung
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has a good reason to avoid a split vote against the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in next month’s presidential election. It has been here before and last time things did not go well. Taiwan had its second direct presidential election in 2000 and the nation’s first ever transition of political power, with the KMT in opposition for the first time. Former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) was ushered in with less than 40 percent of the vote, only marginally ahead of James Soong (宋楚瑜), the candidate of the then-newly formed People First Party (PFP), who got almost 37
At their recent summit in San Francisco, US President Joe Biden and Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) made progress in a few key areas. Notably, they agreed to resume direct military-to-military communications — which China had suspended last year, following a visit by then-speaker of the US House of Representatives Nancy Pelosi to Taiwan — to reduce the chances of accidental conflict. However, neither leader was negotiating from a particularly strong position: As Biden struggles with low approval ratings, Xi is overseeing a rapidly weakening economy. The economic news out of China has been poor for some time. Growth is slowing;
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) presidential candidate and New Taipei City Mayor Hou You-yi (侯友宜) has called on his Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) counterpart, William Lai (賴清德), to abandon his party’s Taiwanese independence platform. Hou’s remarks follow an article published in the Nov. 30 issue of Foreign Affairs by three US-China relations academics: Bonnie Glaser, Jessica Chen Weiss and Thomas Christensen. They suggested that the US emphasize opposition to any unilateral changes in the “status quo” across the Taiwan Strait, and that if Lai wins the election, he should consider freezing the Taiwanese independence clause. The concept of de jure independence was first
Ratings agency Moody’s Investors Service on Tuesday last week cut its outlook for China’s credit rating to “negative” from “stable,” citing risks from a slowing economy, increasing local government debts and a continued slump in the Chinese property market. Wasting little time, the agency on Wednesday also downgraded its credit outlooks for Hong Kong and Macau to “negative” from “stable,” citing the territories’ tight political, institutional, economic and financial linkages with China. While Moody’s reaffirmed its “A1” sovereign rating for China, the outlook downgrade was its first for the country since 2017, reflecting the agency’s pessimistic view of China’s mounting debts