The Mainland Affairs Council (MAC) on Sunday last week spoke out against the claims of Chinese Central Foreign Affairs Commission Director Wang Yi (王毅) that Taiwan “has been part of China since ancient times.”
As someone who has researched the Dutch archives and the related literature, and who has written a book about the relations between the Dutch, China and Taiwan in the 17th century, I can confirm the validity of the MAC’s position.
If one thing is overwhelmingly clear from the available sources, it is that since ancient times until the early Qing Dynasty, no Chinese government ever claimed sovereignty over Taiwan.
Perhaps it is best to begin by summarizing what the Chinese ancient sources say, though I have to rely on English translations in this case.
The sources show that the first time Chinese authorities began to take an interest in Taiwan was during the Sui Dynasty (589-618). The annals of the dynasty state that a general was sent to try to subjugate the inhabitants to the Chinese empire.
However, the inhabitants, who did not speak Chinese, resisted, whereupon the general ordered his soldiers to set their houses on fire. When the authorities returned to the Sui territories, they took, it was said, thousands of prisoners with them.
So much for ancient sources. After the general’s visit, Taiwan was left to itself.
Next, let us turn to what Dutch sources say about the status of Taiwan in more recent times. A difference must be made here, though, between the status of the Penghu Islands and Taiwan.
The former had been incorporated into the Chinese empire since 1567 because they had been a haven for pirates ravaging the Chinese coast before that. Taiwan had remained independent.
The most important events related to the Dutch occurred in the 17th century. Under orders of forceful Dutch East Indies governor-general Jan Pietersz Coen to establish trade relations with China, an attack was launched on Macau in 1622.
The attack failed, and the Dutch fleet sailed on to the Penghu Islands, where they constructed a fort made of sod and earth.
The Dutch then contacted the authorities, but were told that they could not stay there, as they were on Chinese territory.
The Dutch commander said that in that case, they had no other choice than to start a war to force them to trade. The official was shocked by this answer and asked if they would not be satisfied with a harbor in the north of Taiwan, at Tamsui.
The Dutch commander turned down that offer because he had already heard that it was not a very good harbor. The war began, and it was not before many hostilities were conducted by both sides that they finally came to an agreement.
The Dutch, meanwhile, had received information about a place in Taiwan where they could moor their ships. It was near a large sandbank called Tayouan — present day Anping in Tainan — by Chinese traders who went there to trade with the Japanese.
The Dutch built a large fort on the sandbar that would be used as their headquarters for the area. They would stay there for about 40 years and conduct trade with the Chinese.
That the Dutch were allowed to remain in Taiwan for such a long time, without the authorities trying to stop their activities or evict them, is the best proof that the territory was not considered a part of China.
Chinese sources say that Taiwan was considered a “wild” territory, inhabited by people who had been categorized as “eastern barbarians.” Chinese authorities were just not interested in the island.
The presence of the Dutch in Taiwan came to an end with an invasion in 1661 of an army led by Zheng Chenggong (鄭成功, also known as Koxinga), who expelled the Dutch from the island and established his regime of the Southern Ming.
The status of the island would come under discussion in 1685, after the defeat of the Southern Ming regime by the Qing armed forces.
Some of those advising the emperor on what the status of Taiwan should be suggested it was best to leave the island to itself, again using the argument that it was “too wild,” too difficult to govern.
However, Qing navy commander Shi Lang (施琅) thought that ignoring Taiwan was too dangerous, especially with an eye on a possible repossession by the Dutch.
Although relations between the Dutch and the Qing government had been quite friendly, Shi thought that the situation might very well change at some time in the future.
The emperor accepted Shi’s suggestions, and, as is well known, from then on — until 1896 — Taiwan became part of Qing-era China.
A conclusion can therefore be drawn, based on the available sources, Chinese as well as Dutch, that Taiwan was not claimed by the Chinese authorities until the early Qing Dynasty.
To hope for the Chinese foreign affairs minister to change his narrative one day so that it would agree with the historical facts as recorded by his own country, as well as those of Dutch origin, is, of course, to hope in vain.
For now, the Chinese government remains under the control of a communist party that has lost the support of its people and depends on nationalist rhetoric to try to win back popular support.
Adrian van Amstel is a former English teacher from the Netherlands who worked for many years in Guangzhou, China. He is the author of China and Taiwan. Trade or War?: The Dutch East India Company in Conflict with China in the 17th Century, Leading to the Birth of Modern Taiwan
The gutting of Voice of America (VOA) and Radio Free Asia (RFA) by US President Donald Trump’s administration poses a serious threat to the global voice of freedom, particularly for those living under authoritarian regimes such as China. The US — hailed as the model of liberal democracy — has the moral responsibility to uphold the values it champions. In undermining these institutions, the US risks diminishing its “soft power,” a pivotal pillar of its global influence. VOA Tibetan and RFA Tibetan played an enormous role in promoting the strong image of the US in and outside Tibet. On VOA Tibetan,
There is much evidence that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is sending soldiers from the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to support Russia’s invasion of Ukraine — and is learning lessons for a future war against Taiwan. Until now, the CCP has claimed that they have not sent PLA personnel to support Russian aggression. On 18 April, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelinskiy announced that the CCP is supplying war supplies such as gunpowder, artillery, and weapons subcomponents to Russia. When Zelinskiy announced on 9 April that the Ukrainian Army had captured two Chinese nationals fighting with Russians on the front line with details
On a quiet lane in Taipei’s central Daan District (大安), an otherwise unremarkable high-rise is marked by a police guard and a tawdry A4 printout from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs indicating an “embassy area.” Keen observers would see the emblem of the Holy See, one of Taiwan’s 12 so-called “diplomatic allies.” Unlike Taipei’s other embassies and quasi-consulates, no national flag flies there, nor is there a plaque indicating what country’s embassy this is. Visitors hoping to sign a condolence book for the late Pope Francis would instead have to visit the Italian Trade Office, adjacent to Taipei 101. The death of
By now, most of Taiwan has heard Taipei Mayor Chiang Wan-an’s (蔣萬安) threats to initiate a vote of no confidence against the Cabinet. His rationale is that the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)-led government’s investigation into alleged signature forgery in the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) recall campaign constitutes “political persecution.” I sincerely hope he goes through with it. The opposition currently holds a majority in the Legislative Yuan, so the initiation of a no-confidence motion and its passage should be entirely within reach. If Chiang truly believes that the government is overreaching, abusing its power and targeting political opponents — then
RSS