Last week, Taishin Financial Holding Co and the Ministry of Finance announced that they had settled a dispute over state-run Chang Hwa Commercial Bank’s management rights, with Taishin Financial withdrawing its Supreme Court case against the ministry. Taishin Financial also sold 1.048 billion Chang Hwa Bank shares to other financial institutions for NT$19.09 billion (US$636.97 million), or NT$18.2 per share, in a block trade, the company said in a regulatory filing. The agreement ended a 17-year dispute, but at great cost.
In 2005, Taishin Financial outbid six competitors to purchase Chang Hwa Bank’s 1.4 billion special shares for NT$36.57 billion, or NT$26.12 per share. The deal gave it a controlling 22.5 percent stake in then-debt-ridden Chang Hwa, making it the bank’s largest shareholder. The ministry was the second-largest shareholder with a roughly 20 percent stake. Ideally, the deal should have had synergic benefits, as the state-run lender had a solid foothold in corporate lending and Taishin Financial’s banking arm, Taishin International Bank, had expertise in consumer banking, fixed income and wealth management.
However, this supposedly ideal match was never to be; Taishin Financial and the ministry have never been at peace with one another regarding the makeup of Chang Hwa’s nine-member board or with Taishin Financial’s plan to merge Chang Hwa with Taishin International Bank. Instead, boardroom showdowns between the two in 2014, 2017 and 2020 indicated they were simply not on the same page, with the tensions spilling over from one board election to the next.
This high-profile deal has revealed the fragility of public-private partnerships in the financial sector: Following the change of political power in Taiwan in 2008, the ministry withdrew its support for Taishin Financial to secure a board majority and control of Chang Hwa. It also highlights the government’s failure to observe the principles of good corporate governance, with its breach of contract harming the nation’s reputation in global capital markets.
The lengthy litigation also hurt Taishin Financial’s business development, causing it to miss an opportunity to expand its financial profile at a time when several other financial holding companies, such as Cathay Financial Holding Co, Fubon Financial Holding Co and CTBC Financial Holding Co, grew through mergers and acquisitions.
Perhaps seeing that the case had reached a point where it could not be dragged out any longer, Taishin Financial in 2020 announced that it would sell Chang Hwa shares to fund its NT$5.5 billion acquisition of Prudential Life Insurance Co of Taiwan. The company last year also pledged to the Financial Supervisory Commission that it would sell its Chang Hwa shares within six years and would not nominate new board members or exercise its voting rights in the state-run bank’s board elections as long as the commission approved its bid for Prudential’s local unit.
It is welcome news that the ministry and Taishin Financial, with the arbitration of Supreme Court judges over the past year, have finally reached a satisfactory consensus. The court said in a news release last week that the settlement was a win-win for both sides and was a successful example of the court’s mediation mechanism.
However, how many years can a company be expected to squander on a single deal? How does this saga affect people’s perception of the government? This win-win actually has a price for all.
Taiwanese pragmatism has long been praised when it comes to addressing Chinese attempts to erase Taiwan from the international stage. “Taipei” and the even more inaccurate and degrading “Chinese Taipei,” imposed titles required to participate in international events, are loathed by Taiwanese. That is why there was huge applause in Taiwan when Japanese public broadcaster NHK referred to the Taiwanese Olympic team as “Taiwan,” instead of “Chinese Taipei” during the opening ceremony of the Tokyo Olympics. What is standard protocol for most nations — calling a national team by the name their country is commonly known by — is impossible for
India is not China, and many of its residents fear it never will be. It is hard to imagine a future in which the subcontinent’s manufacturing dominates the world, its foreign investment shapes nations’ destinies, and the challenge of its economic system forces the West to reshape its own policies and principles. However, that is, apparently, what the US administration fears. Speaking in New Delhi last week, US Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau warned that “we will not make the same mistakes with India that we did with China 20 years ago.” Although he claimed the recently agreed framework
The Office of the US Trade Representative (USTR) on Wednesday last week announced it is launching investigations into 16 US trading partners, including Taiwan, under Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 to determine whether they have engaged in unfair trade practices, such as overproduction. A day later, the agency announced a separate Section 301 investigation into 60 economies based on the implementation of measures to prohibit the importation of goods produced with forced labor. Several of Taiwan’s main trading rivals — including China, Japan, South Korea and the EU — also made the US’ investigation list. The announcements come
Taiwan is not invited to the table. It never has been, but this year, with the Philippines holding the ASEAN chair, the question that matters is no longer who gets formally named, it is who becomes structurally indispensable. The “one China” formula continues to do its job. It sets the outer boundary of official diplomatic speech, and no one in the region has a serious interest in openly challenging it. However, beneath the surface, something is thickening. Trade corridors, digital infrastructure, artificial intelligence (AI) cooperation, supply chains, cross-border investment: The connective tissue between Taiwan and ASEAN is quietly and methodically growing