As reported in the Japan Times on March 21, Japanese Minister of Defense Nobuo Kishi and US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin agreed to “closely cooperate in the event of a military clash between China and Taiwan.” Kishi further emphasized a need to study ways for the Japan Self-Defense Forces to cooperate with the US military in defending Taiwan in the event of an attack.
Both Japan and the US recognize the necessity to jointly defend Taiwan.
On Oct. 4, 2018, former US vice president Mike Pence in a speech at the Hudson Institute in Washington said that “China now spends as much on its military as the rest of Asia combined, and Beijing has prioritized capabilities to erode America’s military advantages on land, at sea, in the air and in space. China wants nothing less than to push the United States of America from the Western Pacific and attempt to prevent us from coming to the aid of our allies.”
Without the US’ help, would Japan surrender to China?
The Japanese should be fully aware of China’s deep hatred toward Japan. During the First Sino-Japanese War from 1894 to 1895, China was humiliated when it was forced to retreat from the Korean Peninsula and cede Taiwan to Japan.
In World War II, a lot of Chinese were killed, particularly in the Nanjing Massacre of 1937 and 1938, when, by China’s official estimate, about 300,000 Chinese were killed, although Japan does not agree with such a high figure.
The Chinese want revenge, if they have the opportunity.
China’s plan is to take over Taiwan first. Chinese military strategists have already discussed the prospect of using Taiwan’s military bases to cut off Japan’s air and sea routes, and to attack Okinawa and Honshu.
Taiwan has about 12,000 missiles of various types, one of the highest missile densities in the world. If Taiwan cannot fend off a Chinese invasion, South Korea, the Philippines and Vietnam would easily succumb under Chinese military coercion, and Japan would be isolated.
If China moves long-range missiles and other military assets onto Taiwan and launches submarines from deep-sea harbors on the eastern coast of Taiwan, the US might have to withdraw from its nearby military bases on Okinawa.
It would become dangerous for US warships to patrol the western Pacific and they might have to move back to the eastern Pacific to protect their homeland.
Under such circumstances, would Washington still honor its commitments under the US-Japan Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security?
Taiwan’s security is Japan’s security. Japan should not be afraid of Chinese military power and should take the following actions: Send warships to patrol the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea, help Taiwan to greatly bolster its defense systems, hold military exercises with Taiwan to avoid friendly fire and assist Taiwan by sinking Chinese warships in the event of an invasion.
Kenneth Wang is a founder of the Institute of Taiwanese Studies in Los Angeles, a former president of the Taiwanese American Center in San Diego, California, and a former president of the US West Coast Taiwanese Summer Conferences.
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
The Jamestown Foundation last week published an article exposing Beijing’s oil rigs and other potential dual-use platforms in waters near Pratas Island (Dongsha Island, 東沙島). China’s activities there resembled what they did in the East China Sea, inside the exclusive economic zones of Japan and South Korea, as well as with other South China Sea claimants. However, the most surprising element of the report was that the authors’ government contacts and Jamestown’s own evinced little awareness of China’s activities. That Beijing’s testing of Taiwanese (and its allies) situational awareness seemingly went unnoticed strongly suggests the need for more intelligence. Taiwan’s naval
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days. On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power. Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several