On June 22, the Taiwan Public Opinion Foundation released the results of its latest poll on political party approval ratings, which showed that support for the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) was 28.2 percent, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) support was 16.2 percent, and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) and New Power Party (NPP) had 10.7 and 10.6 percent support, respectively.
Surprisingly, the KMT received no support from people aged 20 to 24, while support from that group for the DPP, TPP and NPP was 31.4, 19.7 and 18.3 percent, respectively.
On the same day, the National Policy Foundation, a KMT think tank, released the results of its latest poll on political party approval ratings, showing that 32.9 percent of respondents said they support the DPP, 13.7 percent support the KMT, and 6.6 and 5.9 percent support the TPP and NPP, respectively.
A cross-analysis of the polls shows that 37 percent of people aged 20 to 29 support the DPP, while support for the KMT among the same group is a mere 6.3 percent.
The results of the polls bring to mind a comment by Taipei City Councilor Chen Ping-fu (陳炳甫), who also serves as a KMT Central Standing Committee member. In an interview with the China Review News Agency, Chen said that young people do not support the KMT because of amendments to the curriculum guidelines made during Chen Shui-bian’s (陳水扁) presidency, which resulted in senior-high school students receiving a more Taiwan-focused education.
Those students are now in their mid-30s, and they have no positive feelings toward the KMT. Chen Ping-fu even speculated that the party’s support among those around the age of 20 could be less than 3 percent.
“Taiwan awareness” has grown gradually since 1996, when the nation drew a clear line between itself and the authoritarian Chinese Communist Party regime, and held its first direct presidential election. The focus on Taiwan awareness in schools, beginning during Chen Shui-bian’s presidency, has improved students’ independent thinking and self-awareness.
The 2013 protests against the Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement with China, the Sunflower movement in 2014 and opposition to the old curriculum guidelines are concrete examples of students’ concerns about their future.
Since Johnny Chiang (江啟臣) in March took over the KMT chairmanship, he has worked hard to boost the KMT’s morale without much success. Apart from ascribing a functional and transitional role to the so-called “1992 consensus,” he has failed to propose a powerful and convincing discourse, and the party finds itself in a difficult situation, not knowing what to do next.
As Chen Ping-fu bluntly pointed out, the “1992 consensus” has fulfilled its transitional mission, and the latest election results have proven that most Taiwanese do not recognize the term, so it is time for the KMT to review its cross-strait policy.
A new discourse to replace the “1992 consensus” should not be based on Chiang’s personal opinion alone. The KMT should draw on wisdom from within and outside the party to come up with a core value that can be recognized by the public at large. It should then write it into its party platform to highlight the visionary significance of such a value.
At a time when the KMT’s pro-China stance might raise public doubt, it would make things worse if it failed to clarify its position to dispel those doubts.
Chang Huey-por is a former president of National Changhua University of Education.
Translated by Eddy Chang
Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC) founder Morris Chang (張忠謀) has repeatedly voiced concern over the weakening cost competitiveness of its US fabs and challenged the US’ “on-shore” policy of building domestic semiconductor capacity. Yet not once has the government said anything, even though the economy is highly dependent on the chip industry. In the US, the cost of operating a semiconductor factory is at least twice the amount required to operate one in Taiwan, rather than the 50 percent he had previously calculated, Chang said on Thursday last week at a forum arranged by CommonWealth Magazine. He said that he had
The Twenty-Four Histories (中國廿四史) is a collection of official Chinese dynastic histories from Records of the Grand Historian (史記) to the History of the Ming Dynasty (明史) that cover the time from the legendary Yellow Emperor (黃帝) to the Chongzhen Emperor (崇禎), the last Ming emperor. History is written by the victors. These histories are not merely records of the rise and fall of emperors, they also demonstrate the ways in which conquerors embellished their own achievements while deriding those of the conquered. The history written by the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is no exception. The PRC presents its
The International Criminal Court (ICC) arrest warrant issued on Friday last week for Russian President Vladimir Putin delighted Uighurs, as Putin’s today signals Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) tomorrow. The crimes committed by Xi are many times more serious than what Putin has been accused of. Putin has caused more than 8 million people to flee Ukraine. By imprisoning more than 3 million Uighurs in concentration camps and restricting the movement of more than 10 million Uighurs, Xi has not only denied them the opportunity to live humanely, but also the opportunity to escape oppression. The 8 million Ukrainians who fled
In August 2013, Reuters reported that Beijing had been gaining soft power with investment commitments and trade with countries in Latin America. However, instead of jumping on the chance to make new allies, China stalled requests to establish diplomatic relations with the countries to avoid galling Taiwanese voters. Beijing was also courting then-president Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九), and the tactic left China with a trump card if cross-strait relations turned cool. China had rebuffed at least five countries’ requests to switch diplomatic recognition to Beijing, the report said, quoting a China analyst. Honduras could become the ninth diplomatic ally, and also the fifth