The Solomon Islands’ ruling Democratic Coalition Government for Advancement held a caucus meeting on Sept. 16 and, according to local media reports, 27 of the 33 people at the meeting voted in favor of switching diplomatic ties to China, with six abstentions.
So none of the participants supported maintaining formal diplomatic ties with Taiwan.
That same day, Taiwan severed ties with the Honiara government and on Sept. 21, the Solomon Islands established diplomatic relations with China.
The continuous expansion of China’s predatory economics and debt-trap diplomacy in the Pacific region has in practice damaged the regional stability of the Indo-Pacific, where 11 South Pacific island nations have accumulated more than US$1.3 billion of loans and debts to China over the past decade.
These nations are essential for the intactness and safety of the second island chain, which stretches from Japan, Guam, Micronesia and the Solomon Islands to the Marshall Islands. These countries also play a crucial role in national security on Australia’s north coast.
As early as in 2016, US Army Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Matelski — then a US Army War College fellow at the US Department of Defense’s Hawaii-based Daniel K. Inouye Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies — wrote in an opinion piece in The Diplomat online magazine, entitled “America’s Micronesia Problem,” that China has been providing the Federated States of Micronesia with investments and technologies for infrastructure, land reclamation and artificial islands since 2003.
Apparently, China’s ultimate purpose is to seek the establishment of military installations in Micronesia to deter US armed forces in the Pacific from conducting military operations in the East China Sea and the South China Sea.
China might also emulate the US military on Guam by turning a Micronesian military base into a takeoff and landing facility, and an air base for Xian H-6 bombers conducting far seas missions.
Functioning as a stepping stone on the second island chain for China to cut off US military power in the Asia-Pacific region, Beijing’s potential military installations in Micronesia pose a threat not only to the US’ military command on Guam, but also to Taiwan’s national security.
Moreover, it would have an deterring effect on US forces when evaluating whether to come to Taiwan’s defense if war breaks out.
In the latest version of the US’ Indo-Pacific Strategy, proactive implementation of a comprehensive check-and-balance strategy has replaced “engagement for purposes of regulation” as the US’ new China policy, which aims to deter, or contain, China’s expansion in the region.
The US is set to contain and hold China in check through three “P’s” — “promoting” a networked region, which serves as the foundation for the enhancement of its own “preparedness” and the formation of stronger “partnerships” with foreign alliances.
At a Aug. 4 news conference in Sydney in connection to the “two plus two” Australia – US Ministerial Consultations, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said that the two countries would “do much more together” to safeguard the safety of the Indo-Pacific region, and this US-Australian partnership will be “grounded in [the] shared values of democracy, the rule of law and human rights.”
Pompeo also said that “the United States is a Pacific nation. We care deeply about what happens here and we’re here to stay, and we want all Australians to know they can always rely on the United States of America.”
This was an important statement on foreign affairs in the wake of the US’ July adjustment of its Indo-Pacific Strategy.
The following day, Pompeo visited Micronesia and attended a wreath-laying ceremony with Micronesian President David Panuelo at the Memorial to Federated States of Micronesia Veterans of US Armed Forces, where he said: “The American people are intensely and forever grateful for their sacrifices to defend and advance freedom and unalienable rights all across the world.”
His remarks underline the US’ intention to foil China both internationally and regionally through stabilization or the new establishment of an alliance system, with the Indo-Pacific Strategy serving as crucial support.
The core problem of the various conflicts and disputes between the US and China is the tremendous difference in values.
Prior to the US-China trade war, former US secretary of state Henry Kissinger said in his 2015 book World Order that “China rejects the proposition that international order is fostered by the spread of liberal democracy and that the international community has an obligation to bring this about, and especially to achieve its perception of human rights by international action. The United States may be able to adjust the application of its views on human rights in relation to strategic priorities. But in light of its history and the convictions of its people, America can never abandon these principles altogether.”
Indeed, freedom and democracy are values shared by most countries in the Pan-Pacific region, and these values are also the basis for the US’ collaboration with its allies.
More importantly, regional political structures bear significant geopolitical implications. Apart from Taiwan’s strategically crucial location, its most important aspect is its firm stance on defending and safeguarding democracy and freedom.
A crisis can serve as a turning point. Taiwan should seize this opportunity to strengthen its diplomacy using these values to build connections in a proactive bid to join the Free and Open Indo-Pacific strategy and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership by adopting a more innovative, agile and practical approach to providing alternative economic aid to the island nations in the South Pacific region.
Taiwan should also adopt a collaborative approach to participate in international cooperation and exchanges on maritime security, disaster response capabilities, humanitarian aid and other issues with the US, Australia, Japan, South Korea and other countries.
Hopefully, cooperation and exchanges will help Taiwan gain more concrete results and international acknowledgment, and develop a position of irreplaceable strategic importance in international society.
Shawn Chen is a retired Republic of China Air Force pilot, and has a master’s degree in strategy and national security from National Chung Cheng University.
Translated by Chang Ho-ming
With escalating US-China competition and mutual distrust, the trend of supply chain “friend shoring” in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic and the fragmentation of the world into rival geopolitical blocs, many analysts and policymakers worry the world is retreating into a new cold war — a world of trade bifurcation, protectionism and deglobalization. The world is in a new cold war, said Robin Niblett, former director of the London-based think tank Chatham House. Niblett said he sees the US and China slowly reaching a modus vivendi, but it might take time. The two great powers appear to be “reversing carefully
As China steps up a campaign to diplomatically isolate and squeeze Taiwan, it has become more imperative than ever that Taipei play a greater role internationally with the support of the democratic world. To help safeguard its autonomous status, Taiwan needs to go beyond bolstering its defenses with weapons like anti-ship and anti-aircraft missiles. With the help of its international backers, it must also expand its diplomatic footprint globally. But are Taiwan’s foreign friends willing to translate their rhetoric into action by helping Taipei carve out more international space for itself? Beating back China’s effort to turn Taiwan into an international pariah
Typhoon Krathon made landfall in southwestern Taiwan last week, bringing strong winds, heavy rain and flooding, cutting power to more than 170,000 homes and water supply to more than 400,000 homes, and leading to more than 600 injuries and four deaths. Due to the typhoon, schools and offices across the nation were ordered to close for two to four days, stirring up familiar controversies over whether local governments’ decisions to call typhoon days were appropriate. The typhoon’s center made landfall in Kaohsiung’s Siaogang District (小港) at noon on Thursday, but it weakened into a tropical depression early on Friday, and its structure
Since the end of the Cold War, the US-China espionage battle has arguably become the largest on Earth. Spying on China is vital for the US, as China’s growing military and technological capabilities pose direct challenges to its interests, especially in defending Taiwan and maintaining security in the Indo-Pacific. Intelligence gathering helps the US counter Chinese aggression, stay ahead of threats and safeguard not only its own security, but also the stability of global trade routes. Unchecked Chinese expansion could destabilize the region and have far-reaching global consequences. In recent years, spying on China has become increasingly difficult for the US
RSS