According to statistics compiled by the Directorate General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics (DGBAS), as of the third quarter of this year the production value of the nation's service sector accounted for 73.2 percent of GDP. This high figure, which is on par with many advanced nations, should be gratifying. But in fact, it is probably due mainly to a decline in the manufacturing and agricultural sectors. The growth of the service sector may in fact suggest that the economy is going downhill.
According to the statistics compiled by the World Bank, in 2003, the service sector in low to mid-income nations accounted for 53 percent of industry while the service sector in high-income nations accounted for 71 percent. Taiwan now exceeds many rich countries.
In 2003, the production value of the service sector accounted for 62 percent of industry in South Korea, 68 percent in Japan, 65 percent in Singapore and 88 percent in Hong Kong. Apart from Hong Kong, which has seen manufacturing move to China's Guangdong Province, the other three competitors all have service sector production value under 70 percent. It is not a good sign that Taiwan has exceeded the 15 member states of the EU, whose service sector accounts for 70 percent of production value. Taiwan is approaching the US level of 75 percent.
In addition to Japan, South Korea and Singapore, nations that excel in manufacturing such as Germany, Finland and Sweden do not exceed 70 percent services.
Our doubts are further confirmed when we look at production value generated by the service industry between 1990 and 2003. While growth of 6.4 percent annually does not look too bad, it was only slightly higher than South Korean's 5.7 percent.
On the other hand, production value in the manufacturing sector grew by only 4.2 percent, just 0.2 percent ahead of the US and trailing behind South Korea's 5.9 percent.
People might differ on the advantages of phasing out manufacturing. But faced with both international and regional instability, this policy is certainly risky. Following the Asian financial crisis, both Hong Kong and Singapore, whose economies are driven by the service industry, paid a high price as demand for services dwindled.
If we develop an overreliance on the service sector too soon, this could create risks. Although manufacturing also faces risks, if this sector is suffering purely due to a regional slump, then other regions can be used as a buffer, so that the impact is not too severe.
Obviously there is no single reason for the slowdown in the growth of the manufacturing sector. But the fact that a more rational division of labor across the Taiwan Strait cannot yet be achieved is certainly one factor. South Korean investment in China has already exceeded that of Taiwan, and China is now its main export market. Although Singapore has also experience symptoms of "China fever," the situation has not degenerated to the same extent as in Taiwan. This is probably due to the fact that it rationalizes manufacturing work flow more effectively.
Taiwan still maintains a degree of restriction of imports from China, such as blocking the import of upstream components. This has forced some local manufacturers to relocate to China. As they are barred from investing more than 40 percent of the net value of operations there, this has greatly reduced their willingness to repatriate funds to Taiwan. In addition, the lack of direct links has increased costs.
While the nation's industrial structure might look all right on the surface, its roots are in danger of being undermined.
Tu Jenn-hwa is an associate professor of the Graduate Institute of National Development at National Taiwan University.
Translated by Daniel Cheng and Ian Bartholomew
Concerns that the US might abandon Taiwan are often overstated. While US President Donald Trump’s handling of Ukraine raised unease in Taiwan, it is crucial to recognize that Taiwan is not Ukraine. Under Trump, the US views Ukraine largely as a European problem, whereas the Indo-Pacific region remains its primary geopolitical focus. Taipei holds immense strategic value for Washington and is unlikely to be treated as a bargaining chip in US-China relations. Trump’s vision of “making America great again” would be directly undermined by any move to abandon Taiwan. Despite the rhetoric of “America First,” the Trump administration understands the necessity of
US President Donald Trump’s challenge to domestic American economic-political priorities, and abroad to the global balance of power, are not a threat to the security of Taiwan. Trump’s success can go far to contain the real threat — the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) surge to hegemony — while offering expanded defensive opportunities for Taiwan. In a stunning affirmation of the CCP policy of “forceful reunification,” an obscene euphemism for the invasion of Taiwan and the destruction of its democracy, on March 13, 2024, the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) used Chinese social media platforms to show the first-time linkage of three new
The military is conducting its annual Han Kuang exercises in phases. The minister of national defense recently said that this year’s scenarios would simulate defending the nation against possible actions the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) might take in an invasion of Taiwan, making the threat of a speculated Chinese invasion in 2027 a heated agenda item again. That year, also referred to as the “Davidson window,” is named after then-US Indo-Pacific Command Admiral Philip Davidson, who in 2021 warned that Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) had instructed the PLA to be ready to invade Taiwan by 2027. Xi in 2017
If you had a vision of the future where China did not dominate the global car industry, you can kiss those dreams goodbye. That is because US President Donald Trump’s promised 25 percent tariff on auto imports takes an ax to the only bits of the emerging electric vehicle (EV) supply chain that are not already dominated by Beijing. The biggest losers when the levies take effect this week would be Japan and South Korea. They account for one-third of the cars imported into the US, and as much as two-thirds of those imported from outside North America. (Mexico and Canada, while