During a recent visit to Taiwan, a Japanese scholar asked me for a catch phrase to describe the changes Taiwan has undergone during Chen Shui-bian's (陳水扁) year in power. I said I believed it was the beginning of "de-paternalization and the ridding of authoritarianism," but for the handful of self-proclaimed "political elite" and people with vested interests, it was a "vulgarization and devaluation of the presidency."
In the 12 years under Lee Teng-hui (
Today, Taiwanese criticize Chen more than they ever did Lee. Many people even look at Chen with seething hostility and contempt.
Lee did sow the seeds of democracy and freedom, but after 12 years, the sapling has barely taken root in Taiwan's soil. Taiwan's society and culture have always revolved around paternalism and authoritarianism, thanks to the personality, age and style of its leaders. The people of Taiwan manifest strong characteristics of a colonized people -- conservative, compromising, happy with the status quo, short-sighted and uninterested in seeking major changes. On top of this, the people were placated by long periods of paternalistic and authoritarian rule and, as a result, were jeered at as "unweaned."
Taiwan underwent its first transition of political power when the country's democratization was still at a toddler stage. Due to a lack of experience, both the new ruling and opposition parties have performed poorly and immaturely over the past year. While lambasting the DPP government for incompetence, the KMT has yet to learn how to be a worthy opposition party. The party still refuses to get off its high horse. KMT chairman Lien Chan (
But compared to the KMT, the DPP government is in a much more precarious position and faces much greater challenges. During a recent two-day trip to southern Taiwan with a number of media executives,including myself, Chen said that the transition of political power was fraught with uncertainty and crises, many of which "cannot be told to outsiders." Because Chen did not give a concrete explanation, everyone was in the dark about what he meant.
But Chen's remark reminded me of Antonio Chiang (
On that trip with Chen, I found him to be mature, confident and practical -- compared to the rawness he exuded around this time last year. This is perhaps due to his many frustrating experiences, including the Pa-chang Creek Incident (
The fact that Chen, as well as the rest of Taiwan, have been maturing as they learn to do more is something to rejoice. We still need time to water and nurture Taiwan's fledgling democracy. Everyone expects it to grow faster and taller, but the cultivation of political and social culture needs time. The development of democracy is a marathon race and should not be run like a 100m sprint.
Taiwan has taken the step toward democracy, and there is no turning back. Under Chen's leadership, Taiwan is continuing on the path of freedom and democracy laid out by Lee, and letting democracy become deeply rooted in this land. Reactionary forces still exist on the island, and the defeatist pro-unification advocates and media are still heaping non-constructive criticism on the new government, while at the same time trying to hinder reforms being promoted by the new government.
But the turbulence that hit Taiwan politics over the past year was only superficial. Taiwan's real vitality lies at the grassroots level. One cannot see this vitality from appearances in the capital, Taipei City. Taiwan's grassroots power has always been smarter, more dynamic and more progressive than its government. The slogan "a large and capable government" (
Seen from this perspective, the opposition parties and mainstream media appear laughable as they criticize the government for poor leadership, lack of policy direction, etc. It shows that the opposition parties have not changed their "unweaned" attitude -- the dependence on strongman leaders and authoritarian rule.
To the public who support grassroots democracy, Chen's government means what John F. Kennedy did to Americans in the 1960s. The rise of a new, youthful generation of leaders is a sign that society is getting tired of geriatric politics, which is the epitome of paternalism and authoritarianism. It is also a sign of vitality in society. This is exactly why Chen's government is significant: Taiwan's political culture is undergoing a revolution that is ridding the country of paternalism and authoritarianism.
In this light, Lee's recent interventions in local politics -- more specifically, his attempts to help Chen rally the pro-Taiwan factions within the KMT and build a mainstream force -- is a mixed blessing. We will have to closely watch the effects of his actions.
From a short-term perspec-tive, Chen is leading a minority government and the DPP is at a disadvantage in the legislature. Therefore, to stabilize the political situation, Chen must form a coalition government with an opposition party. In this sense, Lee appears to be coming to Chen's aid with the best of intentions.
But after helping Chen accomplish political integration, Lee should immediately return to his mountain retreat. He should not continue to manipulate politics. If he wants to follow the examples of Deng Xiaoping (鄧小平) and Lee Kuan Yew (李光耀) and continue calling the shots from behind the curtain, then Taiwan will be unable to liberate itself from paternalistic and authoritarian politics. This not only goes against the transformation of political culture, but will tarnish Lee's contribution to Taiwan's democratization, as well as his reputation as "Mr Democracy."
Democratization, like investment in education, takes time. So does the formation of a new political culture. Short-term political interests may temporarily unite or divide politicians and their parties. But nothing can stop the long-term trend, whereby Taiwan's grassroots society pursues a more mature political culture. To manipulate this trend will be difficult.
Rick Chu is editor in chief of the Taipei Times.
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