Portugal's handover of Macau to China tonight is supposed to be of great significance to Taiwan. Beijing has recently been ratcheting up its rhetoric about the final step to "reunification of the motherland." There is talk of how Macau has to be a model for the success of "one country, two systems" or else Taiwan will be "lost." Yet what is baffling is not what Beijing's strategy is, but why anyone would consider it even coherent, let alone potentially winning.
Beijing's aim has been, of course, to project first Hong Kong, then Macau, then Taiwan as a natural sequence in the recovery of "Chinese territory." The idea is that international opinion might be less resistant to Taiwan's being pressured if it can see reunification as part of an "inevitable" trend utilizing a method of "one country, two systems" that has already worked successfully elsewhere.
Forget for a moment the fact that "one country, two systems" has not worked well in Hong Kong, whatever the Beijing-appointed Tung Chee-hwa might say. Also forget the fact that Portugal has shown how deeply it is committed to making sure Beijing keeps to its promises over Macau by declaring the formula a success even before it has even been instituted.
Instead look at the dissimilarities between the Hong Kong and Macau handovers themselves, and the difference between both of them and the circumstances affecting Taiwan.
In Hong Kong's case, the legalistic British felt bound by the 99-year lease on the New Territories, without which they deemed the enclave ceded to them in perpetuity -- Kowloon and Hong Kong island itself -- not to be viable. The Portuguese, on the other hand, have been trying to give back Macau since the fall of the Salazar dictatorship in 1974. Tonight's events could have happened any time in the past 20 years if Beijing had wanted it.
Ultimately, the picture that appears is of two external powers, for vastly different reasons, giving away territory they controlled without asking the people affected whether that is what they wanted. Had they done so, it is possible that the answers from reluctant Hong Kong and relaxed Macau might have been very different.
But Taiwan's case is altogether different. Not only is it vastly bigger than either Hong Kong -- the size of greater Taipei -- or Macau -- the size of Chiayi. More importantly, Taiwan is not the adjunct of an exhausted colonial power. It cannot be given away by a third party; it can only in some way be given up by the Taiwanese themselves. This raises two questions: how and why.
How, because in Taiwan's case there would be a problem about whom China could negotiate with. China could deal with Portugal and Britain as equals in deciding what to do with their colonies. But since Beijing refuses to talk to Taiwan as an equal, how might such negotiations be conducted? The negotiation mechanism for Hong Kong and Macau seems to have no application in Taiwan's case whatsoever.
But the stronger question is why. Why would the Taiwanese want to subsume their own interests within those of China as a whole? Put another way, what is in reunification for the Taiwanese. So far, all China has offered is either mystical nonsense about a "motherland" at least as foreign to most Taiwanese as, say, Japan, or the less than reassuring promise that it will stop threatening Taiwan militarily. Talk of the cases of Hong Kong and Macau as providing a blueprint for Taiwan's reunification seems to neglect a crucial point. The two colonies were like an arranged marriage: those most deeply concerned had no choice in the matter. Taiwan, however, is not the same. Lacking a colonial parent to give it away, it has to be wooed, something China still cannot understand.
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
The National Development Council (NDC) on Wednesday last week launched a six-month “digital nomad visitor visa” program, the Central News Agency (CNA) reported on Monday. The new visa is for foreign nationals from Taiwan’s list of visa-exempt countries who meet financial eligibility criteria and provide proof of work contracts, but it is not clear how it differs from other visitor visas for nationals of those countries, CNA wrote. The NDC last year said that it hoped to attract 100,000 “digital nomads,” according to the report. Interest in working remotely from abroad has significantly increased in recent years following improvements in