Thu, Aug 09, 2001 page3

• Loyalty the mark of former Lee aide Su Chih-cheng

  DEVOTION The veteran of numerous battles on behalf of the former president, Su Chih-cheng has stood by his political protector and mentor through thick and thin

  • By Joyce Huang / STAFF REPORTER
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  Having been a disciple of Confucian scholar Nan Huai-chin (南懷謹), former chief presidential secretary Su Chih-cheng's (蘇志誠) knowledge of the tactics of imperial leadership (帝王學) won him Lee Teng-hui's (李登輝) firm trust. It also enabled him to be the former president's most influential advisor.

  "In the tenuous early years of Lee's presidency, political manipulation to him was like a virgin field. Su played a major role in purging dissenters [from within the KMT] and, therefore, helped gradually secure Lee's throne," said a veteran journalist, who has a close relationship with Lee but requested anonymity.

  The journalist added that it was no exaggeration to say that Su, at the tender age of 34, had become "the nation's second most powerful figure during Lee's 12-year tenure."

  Su, 46, was a close personal friend to Lee's now-deceased only son Lee Hsian-wen (李憲文) when both studied political science at the Chinese Culture University (文化大學).

  Friend of Lee's son

  One year before Lee Hsian-wen died of nasopharyngeal carcinoma in 1982, Su quit his career in journalism to take care of him -- like a spouse -- 24 hours a day, which deeply moved his father.

  Since then, Lee Teng-hui has treated Su as a son.

  Demonstrating his appreciation, Lee recruited Su when he took office as Taiwan provincial governor. Having pledged absolute loyalty to Lee, Su started his political career unexpectedly and as smoothly as if "riding a helicopter," old guard KMT members used to say.

  Being straightforward, with a sharp tongue and overly-protective toward his boss, Su's toughness often displeased other KMT heavyweights.

  During a period of political infighting in February 1988 (二月政爭), Su teamed up with party mavericks James Soong (宋楚瑜) and Soong Hsin-lian (宋心濂), then chief of the National Security Bureau (國安局), to blockade the party's plan to block Lee from taking office as the nation's 8th President.

  The trio, nicknamed the "two Soongs and one Su" (二宋一蘇), worked relentlessly through a period Lee once said "kept him sleepless just thinking of the possibility of being overthrown."

  Su's importance during this period greatly outweighed that of the two Soongs, the veteran journalist said.

  Su later became a target of criticism and a thorn in the non-Lee faction's side as Lee entrusted him with ever great responsibility.

  "Given his talent and competence, Lee heavily relies on him in both official and private affairs," former KMT treasurer Darby Liu (劉大貝) said, adding that Su is also a well-polished politician in his own right.

  Confronting Soong

  Although long a controversial figure, Su avoided the limelight until the outbreak of the Chung Hsin Bills scandal involving then-presidential candidate James Soong.

  Acting as KMT candidate Lien Chan's (連戰) "hitman," Su took center-stage by labeling Soong a "traitor" whose "lies and faulty personality" he was determined to expose.

  Conversing fluently in both Mandarin and Taiwanese, Su appeared several times on TV with details of Soong's alleged embezzlement of the party's money.

  "It took great courage to do so, since Soong was way ahead of Lien in the polls. And few within the KMT dared to openly defy Soong in fear of a possible Soong victory, presumably to be followed with the destruction of his enemies," a source said.

  In hindsight, the veteran journalist believes Su's actions may have been counter-productive.

  "Su's bashing convinced the public that KMT was just playing politics with Soong and, therefore, overlooked Soong's real wrongdoings," she said.

  Liu, however, said that Su only acted in accordance with his sense of justice.

  Last year, news reports revealed that Su and Cheng Su-ming (鄭淑敏), chairwoman of the China Television Company, were secret cross-strait envoys for Lee and conducted at least nine meetings with top-ranking Chinese officials in Hong Kong during the early 1990s. The talks facilitated the 1993 semi-official cross-strait dialogue in Singapore between Koo Chen-fu (辜振甫) and Wang Daohan (汪道涵).

  In spite of his past political achievements, Su last week decided to head the Tun Yun Corp (東雲公司) which is deep in the red financially.

  "His past connections will definitely help the company boost its profile within banking circles," Liu said, refuting media speculation that the position was some sort of political kickback.

  Despite having enjoyed great political power, as a sincere Buddhist, Su has, nevertheless, lived a very simple life
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