Department of Health (DOH) Minister Yaung Chih-liang (楊志良) made headlines on Monday by suddenly announcing his resignation, catching Premier Wu Den-yih (吳敦義) and the public off guard.
Yaung said he wanted to resign because he could not fulfil Wu’s request that 75 percent of those insured be exempted from a proposed increase in health insurance premiums. The Department of Health had proposed exempting only 59 percent of those insured. Saying the difference between the two could not be reconciled, Yaung insisted on leaving even though Wu rejected his resignation.
Yaung said when he took up the job seven months ago that premiums would have to be increased to resolve the National Health Insurance Program’s long-standing deficit. Yaung has kept his word, and his resignation has some lauding him for sticking to his guns and showing a sense of political responsibility.
However, while many are heaping praise on Yaung’s strength of character, many also vividly remember another promise he made when he assumed the post in August — to seek payment from the Taipei City Government on the debt it owes the national healthcare system.
“The Taipei City Government must pay its debt or the National Health Insurance’s finances will collapse sooner or later,” Yaung said at the time, adding that the city’s debt was the bureau’s biggest problem.
Taipei still owes the national healthcare system more than NT$34 billion (US$1.1 billion) and the Supreme Administrative Court has repeatedly ruled that it must pay up. The Kaohsiung City Government owes NT$16 billion, and has proposed paying the central government in installments. Meanwhile, the Taipei City Government has just been stalling.
Bureau of National Health Insurance Director Cheng Shou-hsia (鄭守夏) said the insurance program is running a NT$58.5 billion deficit, and its debt could exceed NT$101.5 billion by year-end. Yaung said the DOH’s proposed premium plan could help the bureau by bringing in an additional NT$4.5 billion per year.
Simple math suggests that the national healthcare system could quickly cut its debt nearly in half if Taipei followed Kaohsiung’s lead and paid its share of NT$34 billion. Indeed, the DOH could ask the Ministry of Justice to auction off plots of land that have been confiscated from the city government as security against the unpaid debt.
This begs the question: Why hasn’t Yaung kept his other promise and gone after the Taipei City Government? Could it be because the debt was accrued by former Taipei mayor Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九), who is now the head of state?
Yaung has demonstrated strength of character by sticking to his word, even if it means putting his career on the line. However, his move may be perceived as little more than pretentious grandstanding when we take into account that he has been selective about which “guns” he sticks to and has avoided going after the big tiger.
Taiwan should reject two flawed answers to the Eswatini controversy: that diplomatic allies no longer matter, or that they must be preserved at any cost. The sustainable answer is to maintain formal diplomatic relations while redesigning development relationships around transparency, local ownership and democratic accountability. President William Lai’s (賴清德) canceled trip to Eswatini has elicited two predictable reactions in Taiwan. One camp has argued that the episode proves Taiwan must double down on support for every remaining diplomatic ally, because Beijing is tightening the screws, and formal recognition is too scarce to risk. The other says the opposite: If maintaining
India’s semiconductor strategy is undergoing a quiet, but significant, recalibration. With the rollout of India Semiconductor Mission (ISM) 2.0, New Delhi is signaling a shift away from ambition-driven leaps toward a more grounded, capability-led approach rooted in industrial realities and institutional learning. Rather than attempting to enter the most advanced nodes immediately, India has chosen to prioritize mature technologies in the 28-nanometer to 65-nanometer range. That would not be a retreat, but a strategic alignment with domestic capabilities, market demand and global supply chain gaps. The shift carries the imprimatur of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, indicating that the recalibration is
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文), during an interview for the podcast Lanshuan Time (蘭萱時間) released on Monday, said that a US professor had said that she deserved to be nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize following her meeting earlier this month with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平). Cheng’s “journey of peace” has garnered attention from overseas and from within Taiwan. The latest My Formosa poll, conducted last week after the Cheng-Xi meeting, shows that Cheng’s approval rating is 31.5 percent, up 7.6 percentage points compared with the month before. The same poll showed that 44.5 percent of respondents
China last week announced that it picked two Pakistani astronauts for its Tiangong space station mission, indicating the maturation of the two nations’ relationship from terrestrial infrastructure cooperation to extraterrestrial strategic domains. For Taiwan and India, the developments present an opportunity for democratic collaboration in space, particularly regarding dual-use technologies and the normative frameworks for outer space governance. Sino-Pakistani space cooperation dates back to the end of the Cold War in the 1990s, with a cooperative agreement between the Pakistani Space & Upper Atmosphere Research Commission, and the Chinese Ministry of Aerospace Industry. Space cooperation was integrated into the China-Pakistan