Taiwanese in Vietnam found themselves caught up in nationalistic anger this week, lumped together with People’s Republic of China nationals as “Chinese” and targeted because of Beijing’s bullying of its smaller neighbors. The governments of the three nations — Vietnam, Taiwan and China — have been left scrambling to contain the damage and each, in turn, has been left looking awkward and inept as the violence has claimed more than a score of lives.
The catalyst was China’s decision to erect an oil rig on May 2 close to the Paracel Islands (Xisha Islands, 西沙群島) in the South China Sea. The rig was accompanied by a large flotilla of navy vessels and Beijing said that no foreign ships would be allowed within a 4.8km radius of the rig. It was one of the most provocative moves yet by Beijing in its escalation of confrontations over conflicting territorial claims.
Hanoi demanded China withdraw the rig and the following days saw a collision between Chinese and Vietnamese ships and the Chinese use water cannons against Vietnamese vessels. This fueled anti-Chinese protests in the provinces surrounding Ho Chi Minh City, the location of many foreign-owned factories.
The violence and xenophobic reactions in Vietnam echo the anti-Japanese protests that erupted in China in 2012 after Tokyo nationalized three of the Diaoyutai Islands (釣魚台). Just as those anti-Japanese protests could not have occurred without the tacit complicity of Beijing, the anti-Chinese protests in Vietnam could not have occurred without Hanoi staying on the sidelines, at least initially.
Both Beijing and Hanoi, to varying degrees, have often tolerated nationalist protests to reinforce the ruling parties’ standing and deflect public unhappiness with government policies onto a “safer” target.
Now that Beijing is a target, it is pushing its usual disclaimers of responsibility and avowals to defend territorial integrity, while remaining unapologetic about its role as instigator. It is hard to have much sympathy.
The real problem is that it is not really the Chinese being hurt. The brunt of the anti-Chinese violence in Vietnam has fallen on Taiwanese-owned factories and plants, including a fire at a steel plant that Formosa Plastics Group is building in Ha Tinh Province, and ordinary Taiwanese businesspeople and their families.
While government officials in Taipei talk about demanding reparations from Vietnam for the protests, there is little talk about the need to differentiate Taiwan from China, because that flies in the face of the idea that both sides of the Taiwan Strait are “one family” and one country, a stance embraced by both President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) government and Beijing.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs decided that providing Vietnamese and English-language stickers to Taiwanese to identify them as being from Taiwan in case they found themselves under attack by anti-Chinese protesters would be helpful. Minister of Foreign Affairs David Lin (林永樂) said the stickers would make it easy for Vietnamese to distinguish Taiwanese and their firms from their Chinese counterparts.
Given that many people, even in non-mob situations, have trouble distinguishing Taiwan from China, it is ludicrous to think that riled-up protesters are going to pause to read a sticker before breaking a window or assaulting a person. If a sticker is the best idea the foreign ministry can come up with, then it should forget the outline of Taiwan and go for the Republic of China flag, with the words “I am not Chinese” written in Vietnamese emblazoned on top of it. A flag speaks louder than words.
These measures aside, the government should firmly reject Beijing’s efforts to forge a joint approach to Hanoi, as this would only more firmly tie Taiwan and China together in the minds of Vietnamese.
Taiwan must do what it can to protect its nationals, but this mess is of Beijing’s making. If Taiwan wants to make a common stand, it should do so with Tokyo, Manila, Hanoi and others who want to stand up to Beijing’s growing assertiveness and bullying.
In the event of a war with China, Taiwan has some surprisingly tough defenses that could make it as difficult to tackle as a porcupine: A shoreline dotted with swamps, rocks and concrete barriers; conscription for all adult men; highways and airports that are built to double as hardened combat facilities. This porcupine has a soft underbelly, though, and the war in Iran is exposing it: energy. About 39,000 ships dock at Taiwan’s ports each year, more than the 30,000 that transit the Strait of Hormuz. About one-fifth of their inbound tonnage is coal, oil, refined fuels and liquefied natural gas (LNG),
On Monday, the day before Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) departed on her visit to China, the party released a promotional video titled “Only with peace can we ‘lie flat’” to highlight its desire to have peace across the Taiwan Strait. However, its use of the expression “lie flat” (tang ping, 躺平) drew sarcastic comments, with critics saying it sounded as if the party was “bowing down” to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Amid the controversy over the opposition parties blocking proposed defense budgets, Cheng departed for China after receiving an invitation from the CCP, with a meeting with
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) is leading a delegation to China through Sunday. She is expected to meet with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) in Beijing tomorrow. That date coincides with the anniversary of the signing of the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA), which marked a cornerstone of Taiwan-US relations. Staging their meeting on this date makes it clear that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) intends to challenge the US and demonstrate its “authority” over Taiwan. Since the US severed official diplomatic relations with Taiwan in 1979, it has relied on the TRA as a legal basis for all
To counter the CCP’s escalating threats, Taiwan must build a national consensus and demonstrate the capability and the will to fight. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) often leans on a seductive mantra to soften its threats, such as “Chinese do not kill Chinese.” The slogan is designed to frame territorial conquest (annexation) as a domestic family matter. A look at the historical ledger reveals a different truth. For the CCP, being labeled “family” has never been a guarantee of safety; it has been the primary prerequisite for state-sanctioned slaughter. From the forced starvation of 150,000 civilians at the Siege of Changchun