Wrong TRA message sent?
Two weeks ago, the US Senate’s Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs held a hearing called “Evaluating US Policy on the 35th Anniversary of the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA).”
Those who know the basic tenets that shape US-Taiwan relations understand that these hearings typically consist of two primary (and for the most part, predictable) themes:
Members of the US Congress proclaiming their unwavering support for Taiwan and its democracy, and when called to testify, staff from Foggy Bottom read out pre-cleared talking points, many of which seemingly have not been updated since the act’s implementation in 1979.
The aforementioned hearing was on its way to repeating this pattern before ranking committee member US Senator Marco Rubio asked US Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Daniel Russel: “Does the [US President Barack] Obama Administration remain committed to [former] president [Ronald] Reagan’s so-called ‘six assurances’ to Taiwan? Is that still our position?”
Unlike Russel’s predecessor, Kurt Campbell, who in a 2011 US House of Representatives hearing on Taiwan reiterated repeatedly that “the United States abides by the so-called six assurances,” Russel only confirmed that the assurances were “an element” of Washington’s approach to Taiwan relations.
Russel’s answer was troubling on a number of levels, since even subtle changes in wording from the US Department of State on Washington’s official “unofficial” relationship with Taipei could have far-reaching ramifications.
In a relationship often clouded by US ambiguity, the six assurances have not only helped give Taiwanese government officials a certain level of clarification and certainty; they have also shown other countries that the US can be counted on as a reliable and committed partner within a bilateral relationship framework.
However, perhaps just as important is whether Beijing perceives Russel’s testimony as a subtle, yet clear change in Washington’s Taiwan policy — a potentially inaccurate perception that could lead China to miscalculate on how to approach its relationship with Taiwan, as well as the US.
China experts have long said that Beijing gives documents such as the three US-China joint communiques and agreements of intent such as Cairo Declaration of 1943 a much higher level of importance than many other countries (albeit primarily when such documents suit its official narrative).
While some experts may deem a potential alteration or downgrading of a policy such as the six assurances as being of rather low importance, Beijing undoubtedly sees it the other way.
It is worth repeating that Russel’s testimony last week does not mean that there has been a shift in US policy toward Taiwan, but it could be interpreted that way and therein lies the problem.
Brian Benedictus
Falls Church, Virginia
Phase out nuclear power
A statement issued by Academia Sinica and signed by the institute’s dean, deputy dean and 23 academics has urged the government to hold a referendum on the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant in New Taipei City’s Gongliao District (貢寮).
Several facts mentioned in the statement deserve consideration: The first is that Taiwan houses six of the world’s 12 high-risk nuclear reactors in earthquake-prone areas.
In addition, it ranks second in terms of the population density of the areas around these reactors and becomes No. 1 if population density is measured per unit of habitable land.
Furthermore, Taiwan is targeted by 1,600 Chinese missiles. Given these facts, it is not an exaggeration to say that Taiwan has one of the highest, if not the highest, risk of suffering a nuclear disaster.
The nation no longer has space in which to store nuclear waste and shipping it overseas to North Korea and China is not a reliable solution. Understandably, the Aborigines on Orchid Island refuse to accept any more atomic waste, some of which has also been secretly stored in Taoyuan County’s Longtan Township (龍潭).
Only 8.3 percent of the energy used by the nation is generated by nuclear power. Through all-out conservation and efficient combustion, including preheating combustion air with flue gas and combustion air oxygen enrichment, atomic power can be phased out.
Taiwan emits 11.3 tonnes of carbon dioxide per capita per year, compared with the global average of 4.5 tonnes. Taiwanese’s per capita income is lower than that of Japanese and Europeans, yet Taiwan manages to have higher carbon dioxide emissions than Japan or Europe. This means that a lot of energy must be being wasted.
Using natural gas or liquefied natural gas instead of coal or oil is an effective way to reduce emissions, so converting the Gongliao plant to a natural gas-fired facility would help cut the nation’s carbon footprint while meeting its energy needs. Solar and geothermal energy should be developed concurrently.
The Fourth Nuclear Power Plant’s fate is a technical rather than political issue. The Executive Yuan needs to promptly make a wise decision based on the high risk of a nuclear disaster and finding a feasible solution for Taiwan’s energy problems.
Charles Hong
Columbus, Ohio
There has been much catastrophizing in Taiwan recently about America becoming more unreliable as a bulwark against Chinese pressure. Some of this has been sparked by debates in Washington about whether the United States should defend Taiwan in event of conflict. There also were understandable anxieties about whether President Trump would sacrifice Taiwan’s interests for a trade deal when he sat down with President Xi (習近平) in late October. On top of that, Taiwan’s opposition political leaders have sought to score political points by attacking the Lai (賴清德) administration for mishandling relations with the United States. Part of this budding anxiety
The diplomatic dispute between China and Japan over Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s comments in the Japanese Diet continues to escalate. In a letter to UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, China’s UN Ambassador Fu Cong (傅聰) wrote that, “if Japan dares to attempt an armed intervention in the cross-Strait situation, it would be an act of aggression.” There was no indication that Fu was aware of the irony implicit in the complaint. Until this point, Beijing had limited its remonstrations to diplomatic summonses and weaponization of economic levers, such as banning Japanese seafood imports, discouraging Chinese from traveling to Japan or issuing
On Nov. 8, newly elected Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) and Vice Chairman Chi Lin-len (季麟連) attended a memorial for White Terror era victims, during which convicted Chinese Communist Party (CCP) spies such as Wu Shi (吳石) were also honored. Cheng’s participation in the ceremony, which she said was part of her efforts to promote cross-strait reconciliation, has trapped herself and her party into the KMT’s dark past, and risks putting the party back on its old disastrous road. Wu, a lieutenant general who was the Ministry of National Defense’s deputy chief of the general staff, was recruited
The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) on Nov. 5 recalled more than 150,000 eggs found to contain three times the legal limit of the pesticide metabolite fipronil-sulfone. Nearly half of the 1,169 affected egg cartons, which had been distributed across 10 districts, had already been sold. Using the new traceability system, officials quickly urged the public to avoid consuming eggs with the traceability code “I47045,” while the remainder were successfully recalled. Changhua County’s Wenya Farm — the source of the tainted eggs — was fined NT$120,000, and the Ministry of Agriculture instructed the county’s Animal Disease Control Center to require that