Although it is unlikely that Taiwan, under the leadership of President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九), will ever support Tibetan independence, Taipei could give a real boost to the beleaguered forces fighting for Tibetan human rights in China with one simple and long--overdue move — dropping the Republic of China’s (ROC) claim to Tibet.
The ROC Constitution is an anachronistic document that claims more territory than even the People’s Republic of China (PRC), which has at least dropped its claim to Mongolia, an independent country with a seat in the UN.
The ROC claims Tibet, Mongolia, Xinjiang and other border regions of Russia, Vietnam, Nepal and Pakistan that are already recognized as not belonging to China.
Without getting into why the ROC claims territory that it has no chance of ever controlling, it is suffice to say that Taiwan, Tibetans and the Tibetan -government-in-exile would benefit if Taipei were to drop its claim to Tibet.
If the ROC did so, officials from Tibet’s government in Dharamsala would be able to visit Taipei on government-to-government exchanges, Taiwan’s status as a sovereign entity would gain international traction because of the Tibetan government-in-exile’s political clout and Taiwan would gain the moral high ground.
Tibetans are in desperate straits. Not a week goes by these days without a monk or a some other Tibetan setting his or herself on fire in protest at what they say are Chinese policies to uproot Tibetan culture. Beijing, of course, blames these protests on foreign-backed secessionist forces, but these self-immolations have a lot more to do with Chinese nationalistic suppression of Tibetan culture, the economic erosion of Tibetan self-sufficiency and the transformation of Tibetan icons into Disney-like attractions for Chinese tourists — Beijing built a musical fountain in Lhasa’s Potala Square.
Taiwanese media rightly pay attention to what is going on in Tibet, because the situation faced by Tibet represents an extreme to which Taiwan might itself be subjected if China were ever to take control like it did Tibet in the 1950s.
However, the ROC government is being hypocritical whenever it defends Tibetans’ rights because it continues to claim sovereignty over Tibet.
That would not be the case if Taipei dropped its claim. Such a move would give a boost to the thousands of Tibetans fighting for respect within China and would strengthening their resolve to struggle on.
Beijing’s claim to the territories of neighboring nations would likewise receive a blow, even though Taiwan is not recognized as a nation by the UN.
In addition, dropping the ROC’s claim to Tibet would bring one other major benefit for Taiwan — it would kick-start much-needed constitutional reform.
Taiwan can never be an independent nation as long as the ROC Constitution lays claim to China. However, the PRC would balk at any move to drop ROC territorial claims to China, as that would be viewed as a step toward de jure independence. If Taiwan were to start piecemeal, by dropping its claim to Tibet and the already-independent nation of Mongolia, the ROC Constitution would become more reality-based, making it a much better document on which to base the government of an independent Taiwan.
By helping the Tibetan people, Taiwan can help itself — an actual win-win scenario.
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days. On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power. Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several
The Jamestown Foundation last week published an article exposing Beijing’s oil rigs and other potential dual-use platforms in waters near Pratas Island (Dongsha Island, 東沙島). China’s activities there resembled what they did in the East China Sea, inside the exclusive economic zones of Japan and South Korea, as well as with other South China Sea claimants. However, the most surprising element of the report was that the authors’ government contacts and Jamestown’s own evinced little awareness of China’s activities. That Beijing’s testing of Taiwanese (and its allies) situational awareness seemingly went unnoticed strongly suggests the need for more intelligence. Taiwan’s naval