In view of the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) recent string of poor electoral showings, one would expect members who care about the state of the party to jump at the chance for a frank discussion with party leaders on how to stop the bleeding.
President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) dinner for KMT lawmakers on Monday night provided such a chance, giving the lawmakers a rare opportunity to deliver pan-blue supporters’ grievances in person to Ma, who doubles as KMT chairman.
It looked set to be an interesting evening, with a number of legislators saying they would seize the opportunity, but instead turned into a rather bland affair, with lawmakers backing down at the request of KMT Legislator Hsu Yao-chang (徐耀昌).
“I told [them] that we were likely to get ulcers if we talked about serious issues while eating and they all agreed. We can find a better time to offer suggestions,” Hsu told reporters after the dinner.
In the end, Ma may have been the only one to go home that night with an ulcer. The president spent the evening touting his planned economic cooperation framework agreement (ECFA) with Beijing and asking lawmakers to promote it. Legislators also offered some comments on the US beef protocol and the swine flu vaccination program, but skirted the party’s election woes.
A number of KMT lawmakers told the press yesterday that Hsu’s comment had caught them off guard, adding that they did not want to ignore his suggestion “out of respect” for their colleague.
Rather than blaming Hsu, KMT lawmakers who purport to have the public’s grievances in mind should not be so easily dissuaded from voicing criticism.
One would hope that lawmakers who are more than willing to launch a volley of criticism on talk shows would have the guts to challenge Ma to his face. Are we to believe that, out of the kindness of their hearts, legislators wanted to spare Ma from public embarrassment because they feared he might not take criticism very well in a public setting?
Regardless, KMT lawmakers failed their supporters by “playing nice” at the dinner, letting Ma off the hook and ignoring the anxiety among pan-blue supporters over the party’s condition.
Indeed, a glance at the news clip of Monday’s dinner showed everyone smiling and drinking — one might have mistaken it as a feast celebrating an election victory rather than a wake for a string of embarrassing election results.
As for Ma, if he is sincere about seeking the reasons behind the KMT’s poor electoral showing, as he has said, he should have dismissed Hsu’s suggestion and invited those present to fire away on what he and his government have done wrong.
Ma’s approval ratings have tumbled in opinion polls across media outlets, suggesting that a large percentage of the public is questioning his competence and crisis management skills.
But no one can help a government that won’t help itself by opening the door to public opinion — and public dissatisfaction. The Ma administration gains nothing by surrounding itself with pliable voices who don’t dare challenge it in person.
What began on Feb. 28 as a military campaign against Iran quickly became the largest energy-supply disruption in modern times. Unlike the oil crises of the 1970s, which stemmed from producer-led embargoes, US President Donald Trump is the first leader in modern history to trigger a cascading global energy crisis through direct military action. In the process, Trump has also laid bare Taiwan’s strategic and economic fragilities, offering Beijing a real-time tutorial in how to exploit them. Repairing the damage to Persian Gulf oil and gas infrastructure could take years, suggesting that elevated energy prices are likely to persist. But the most
Taiwan should reject two flawed answers to the Eswatini controversy: that diplomatic allies no longer matter, or that they must be preserved at any cost. The sustainable answer is to maintain formal diplomatic relations while redesigning development relationships around transparency, local ownership and democratic accountability. President William Lai’s (賴清德) canceled trip to Eswatini has elicited two predictable reactions in Taiwan. One camp has argued that the episode proves Taiwan must double down on support for every remaining diplomatic ally, because Beijing is tightening the screws, and formal recognition is too scarce to risk. The other says the opposite: If maintaining
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文), during an interview for the podcast Lanshuan Time (蘭萱時間) released on Monday, said that a US professor had said that she deserved to be nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize following her meeting earlier this month with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平). Cheng’s “journey of peace” has garnered attention from overseas and from within Taiwan. The latest My Formosa poll, conducted last week after the Cheng-Xi meeting, shows that Cheng’s approval rating is 31.5 percent, up 7.6 percentage points compared with the month before. The same poll showed that 44.5 percent of respondents
India’s semiconductor strategy is undergoing a quiet, but significant, recalibration. With the rollout of India Semiconductor Mission (ISM) 2.0, New Delhi is signaling a shift away from ambition-driven leaps toward a more grounded, capability-led approach rooted in industrial realities and institutional learning. Rather than attempting to enter the most advanced nodes immediately, India has chosen to prioritize mature technologies in the 28-nanometer to 65-nanometer range. That would not be a retreat, but a strategic alignment with domestic capabilities, market demand and global supply chain gaps. The shift carries the imprimatur of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, indicating that the recalibration is