On the last day of the third legislative session, the opposition launched a protest with the result that the frequent practice of a final late-night session aimed at rushing through motions and tidying up the legislative record came to naught: Not a single motion was passed.
Some people may look on this as a dark day for the legislature and condemn lawmakers for being lazy and neglecting their duties.
Indeed, from the perspective of nongovernmental legislative supervision, we demand that lawmakers work hard to draft laws beneficial to the country and the public.
However, greater concerns lie ahead. When the new legislative session starts, we could see greater interference in the legislature or the lawmaking body coming under the control of the party-state, stripping it of its role as a forum for rational debate and democratic checks and balances.
From a structural point of view, when President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) becomes the chairman of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), the fact that the KMT holds a three-quarters majority in the Legislative Yuan means that the party must shoulder the political task of carrying out the president’s wishes.
At that time, the logic of total power dictates that the party speed up passage of various laws and regulations to complement government policy and help the executive achieve its policy implementation goals.
KMT legislators are unlikely to voice opinions or views that contradict those of the president or the Cabinet. They are afraid that if they do so, they could jeopardize their chance of being nominated for reelection.
Legislators at large are likely to have even greater problems and difficulties to maintain their position.
By letting legislators handle the KMT chairmanship election campaign, Ma has revealed his determination to control the legislature. Whether or not Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng (王金平) serves as deputy chairman is no longer important. Since there can only be one master, Ma’s successful incorporation of the legislature into his power base means that the room for independent political thinking by KMT lawmakers will shrink drastically.
From the perspective of the legislative agenda, the question is if the merger of legislative and executive power could really aid efficiency.
I am pessimistic and fear that opposition protests will become both more intense and more frequent. I say this because when it comes to cross-strait issues, the legislature is the opposition’s only remaining forum.
The KMT has to remember, however, that every time a major legal bill is blocked, that action will also indirectly weaken Ma’s authority. If the majority party chooses a tough approach and repeatedly resorts to voting by a show of hands, it will only highlight its domineering and foolhardy attitude, resulting in increased public support for the opposition.
The KMT should also remember that although the opposition holds less than one-quarter of the legislative seats, it represents 40 percent of all voters.
Opposition lawmakers will do all they can to voice their objections, and conflict between the two opposing camps will be difficult to avoid.
Unless Ma is willing to take a softer approach and use the legislature as a medium for initiating dialogue and reconciliation with the opposition, the dark days of the legislature are just about to begin.
Ku Chung-hwa is chairman of Citizen Congress Watch.
TRANSLATED BY PERRY SVENSSON
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