President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) paid tribute to “democracy pioneer” Chiang Wei-shui (蔣渭水) on Tuesday, making a pilgrimage to Chiang’s tomb in his latest attempt to establish some democratic credentials.
Chiang, who founded Taiwan’s first political party and fought for social advancement during the Japanese colonial period, deserves his place in history and is rightly praised for his devotion to making Taiwan a better place, but it is strange that someone like Ma should develop such an attachment to him.
Chiang’s prominence as a historical figure has much to do with the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) efforts to create a connection with Taiwan and manipulate history in its favor — playing up Taiwanese resistance to Japanese rule while downplaying resistance to the KMT.
The way Ma has grabbed on to Chiang’s coattails for his own benefit thus makes sense.
If Ma valued democracy, why did he not join the legions of Mainlanders who worked with dangwai activists in their struggle against the authoritarian KMT, and why did he oppose every small step taken toward universal suffrage during the nation’s transition to democracy in the 1980s and 1990s?
Ma argued against the lifting of martial law in 1987, and opposed in 1992 the repeal of Article 100 — which classed non-violent advocacy of communism and Taiwanese independence as sedition. Ma was also against holding popular elections for president and defended the lengthy sentences given to dissidents in letters to foreign governments.
Ma’s professed love for Singapore’s style of government is also indicative of how much respect he has for democracy.
Perhaps his recently developed respect comes from a belated sense of guilt about the fame and fortune this institution has brought him.
It is safe to say that Ma would never have risen to such lofty positions as KMT chairman and Taiwanese president were it not for the advent of democracy, because a weak individual would not have lasted long in the party of dictator Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石).
If Ma really wants to pay homage to the people who sacrificed so much to put him where he is, he could meet some of the hundreds of living former political prisoners in Taiwan who suffered for their beliefs.
Ma could pay a visit to someone like Lin I-hsiung (林義雄), a man who lost most of his family in the fight for democracy, or even open up the KMT archives to let the public understand all that went on during the White Terror era.
Ma cannot do such things because it would create a backlash within the conservative elements of his party who still wield considerable power and could possibly threaten his government. Unlike former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝), Ma has no significant power base in the party and so cannot do anything significant on this front. It is also questionable whether he wants to do so.
For now, he remains stranded on his ideological tightrope, paying faux respect to “safe” figures like Chiang Wei-shui while leaving huge doubts about his sincerity in the minds of the public.
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