Taiwanese politics change quickly and yesterday’s political stars become today’s political losers.
President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) administration knows this well, and so does the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).
Who would have imagined that after only 50 days in power, Ma’s public approval would drop from 58 percent at the time of the presidential election to about 30 percent now?
The inability of Premier Liu Chao-shiuan’s (劉兆玄) Cabinet to tackle rising consumer and oil prices and the freefalling stock market are only part of the reason for the public’s reaction. The key reason for the government’s loss of public support is Ma’s failure to deliver on his campaign promises.
Ma’s rise to perhaps the most popular politician in Taiwan was mainly a result of meeting the public’s taste in backing away from ideological rhetoric and framing himself as a gentle problem-solver.
But in reality, Ma is a consummate politician. He anticipates what people want to hear and tells the public whatever keeps them satisfied. The biggest question now is whether Ma is a man of action and efficiency.
Deja vu? The fact that the DPP was not defeated by Ma and his Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) but by itself deserves more attention. Once voters questioned its integrity and held its misconduct up against principles of honesty and morality, it was hard for the DPP to regain support.
Public distrust of former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) and the DPP led voters to place their hopes in Ma and the KMT because they believed the new government would bring immediate results. Its failure to meet expectations has naturally created a strong public backlash.
With the government’s poor performance, how can the DPP rebuild its image and regain public trust?
The DPP government’s biggest problem was it promised more than it could achieve. Sometimes the commitments were made dishonestly, and even worse was the misconduct associated with some DPP officials.
We all make mistakes, but the difference is that politicians’ mistakes make the front page. So politicians — good ones at least — develop an ability to recover from a foul-up.
Under the chairmanship of Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文), the DPP has displayed a different and more positive image. Not only has Tsai introduced a rational strategy for monitoring the KMT, she has also been carefully developing new skills of coordination and leadership within the party’s grassroot support.
A recent poll released by TVBS showed Tsai to be the most popular political figure in Taiwan, with a near 50 percent approval rating — compared with less than 30 percent for Ma and Liu.
What Tsai and the DPP need most is to incorporate elements of strength, self-discipline, decisiveness and effective execution to fulfill the role of a loyal opposition.
The power reshuffle at last weekend’s party congress showed some political wrestling between different factions and senior leaders, but the DPP should avoid pointing fingers. A re-examination must be conducted from the bottom up. A closer relationship between party headquarters, the legislative caucus and local party branches must be established. Most importantly, the DPP must reinforce its connection with the rank and file and recruit more independent and attractive talent.
By taking the theme of strength and unity and applying it to anti-corruption, economic rejuvenation, law enforcement, environmental protection and national security, the DPP can win back public support.
Liu Shih-chung is a Taipei-based political commentator.
Donald Trump’s return to the White House has offered Taiwan a paradoxical mix of reassurance and risk. Trump’s visceral hostility toward China could reinforce deterrence in the Taiwan Strait. Yet his disdain for alliances and penchant for transactional bargaining threaten to erode what Taiwan needs most: a reliable US commitment. Taiwan’s security depends less on US power than on US reliability, but Trump is undermining the latter. Deterrence without credibility is a hollow shield. Trump’s China policy in his second term has oscillated wildly between confrontation and conciliation. One day, he threatens Beijing with “massive” tariffs and calls China America’s “greatest geopolitical
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) made the astonishing assertion during an interview with Germany’s Deutsche Welle, published on Friday last week, that Russian President Vladimir Putin is not a dictator. She also essentially absolved Putin of blame for initiating the war in Ukraine. Commentators have since listed the reasons that Cheng’s assertion was not only absurd, but bordered on dangerous. Her claim is certainly absurd to the extent that there is no need to discuss the substance of it: It would be far more useful to assess what drove her to make the point and stick so
The central bank has launched a redesign of the New Taiwan dollar banknotes, prompting questions from Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) legislators — “Are we not promoting digital payments? Why spend NT$5 billion on a redesign?” Many assume that cash will disappear in the digital age, but they forget that it represents the ultimate trust in the system. Banknotes do not become obsolete, they do not crash, they cannot be frozen and they leave no record of transactions. They remain the cleanest means of exchange in a free society. In a fully digitized world, every purchase, donation and action leaves behind data.
The Honduran elections seem to have put China on defense. The promises of trade and aid have failed to materialize, industries are frustrated, and leading candidate Salvador Nasralla, who has increased his lead in the polls, has caused Beijing to engage in a surge of activity that appears more like damage control than partnership building. As Nasralla’s momentum has grown, China’s diplomacy, which seems to be dormant since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 2023, has shown several attempts to avoid a reversal if the Liberal or the National party — which also favor Taipei — emerge as winners in the