After news broke of the devastating earthquake in Sichuan Province, Taiwanese people generously donated to the relief efforts, in spite of the fact that this vicious “distant relative” and close neighbor has targeted over 1,000 missiles at their country. They did so simply out of humanitarian concern. China, however, continues to obstruct Taiwan’s efforts to join the WHO. The nation’s donations were apparently not enough to buy a letter of indulgence.
Faced with such a big and unfriendly neighbor, President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) proposed to set aside disputes in his inaugural address. Seeking common ground in differences may sound like a rational choice. Yet with China claiming Taiwan as its province, any humble wish for peace sounds like a plea for mercy.
If there is truly no cross-strait animosity, how can there be a need for reconciliation? If neither side wants a war, why the rush to sign a truce? What wrong has Taiwan committed to provoke the Chinese? China must have understood long ago that oppressing Taiwan only aggravates the repugnance felt by the Taiwanese public and speeds up the consolidation of national consciousness. A new and imaginary cross-strait community has silently been created, with China as the catalyst.
Looking back on the last fifty years, from the banshan — Taiwanese who went to China to join the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) during Japanese colonial rule — to the arrival of Mainlanders after World War II and the emergence of the terms “Taiwanese businesspeople” and “Taiwan compatriots,” the collective identity has changed from “Chinese” to “Chinese in Taiwan” to “Taiwanese.” But this is just an issue of self-identification. People living in Taiwan never got involved in the struggle between the KMT and the Chinese Communist Party, and later, under the KMT propaganda machine, “anti-communist” was not necessarily equal to “anti-China” and there was no need to take a hostile attitude toward the Chinese.
Is it true that Ma’s “three-noes” policy — no unification, no independence and no use of force — will dissolve concerns over “eventual unification?” Also, if China is willing to give Ma a chance, the government should consider three major issues before entering into a dialogue with Beijing.
In the short term, will our economic system be capable of facing China’s dramatic political and economic changes and manipulation? The government should consider whether economic integration with China would develop toward functionalism — easing cross-strait tension — or lean toward mercantilism — eventual economic dependence on China, with the consequence of becoming a political vassal.
In the medium term, what kind of “peace” are we pursuing? It could mean to avoid war, maintain a military balance, bring about disarmament under the direction of the major powers, or pursue neutrality. Or it could mean forming some sort of East Asian security community that includes Taiwan and China, similar to the EU or NATO. In order to answer these questions, the government must have a profound understanding of international developments, especially the influential roles of the US and China in the global arena and the East Asian region.
In the long term, how do we position our country vis-a-vis China, especially after it has become either democratic or affluent or both? We must begin by asking ourselves whether we would want to remain a nation or join China, assuming that China joins the ranks of civilized countries and the international community is willing to ensure and respect the rights of Taiwanese to self-determination.
Shih Cheng-feng is dean of the College of Indigenous Studies at National Dong Hwa University.
TRANSLATED BY TED YANG
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, people have been asking if Taiwan is the next Ukraine. At a G7 meeting of national leaders in January, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida warned that Taiwan “could be the next Ukraine” if Chinese aggression is not checked. NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg has said that if Russia is not defeated, then “today, it’s Ukraine, tomorrow it can be Taiwan.” China does not like this rhetoric. Its diplomats ask people to stop saying “Ukraine today, Taiwan tomorrow.” However, the rhetoric and stated ambition of Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) on Taiwan shows strong parallels with