Taiwan’s first transition of power in 2000 was significant in two ways: First, voters were able to elect their own leader. Second, another lineup of people entered the government service.
Because of power struggles between the two major political parties in the wake of the transition of power and the incitement of some sectors of the media, in the past eight years the authority of the government has been challenged, and supervision of governmental powers has changed since the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) authoritarian era. Many national policy-making processes also have become more transparent to the public. This was a new milestone for Taiwan’s democracy.
However, in the eight years the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has been in power, we have seen that some fundamental power structures remained unchanged.
Since the DPP took power, it has failed to or was unable to deepen Taiwan’s democracy and reduce superfluous top level positions. The government’s policy-making process still lacks transparency.
Those in power enjoy not only their powers but also all sorts of benefits that come with their position. Over the past eight years, the number of guide cars and personal bodyguards for the president, vice president and premier were not reduced. Every minister, member of the government and official — high and low — have a personal driver and spend their special allowances or government fees on things they could not enjoy when they were just an average person — at restaurants around the nation or places designated for high officials.
While discussing distribution of national resources in meeting rooms and offices far away from the public, the DPP government has failed to establish a mechanism to achieve social justice. Hoping for political achievements is like buying lottery tickets. If we find determined and capable officials, achievements will naturally come along, but if the officials are incapable, political progress will be limited.
The DPP’s eight-year rule has boosted Taiwan’s democracy, and yet it has disappointed people in quite a few aspects. The party must now spend some time analyzing why it disappointed voters and what it can do better.
Like the DPP, the new KMT government will also have to find better approaches to further Taiwan’s democracy. Before taking office, the KMT may start pondering why the president and vice president can’t commute to work by bus. More importantly, does the country really need 15 grand justices, 29 Control Yuan members and 29 Examination Yuan members?
Our constitutional system has survived the past year or so, even though the Control Yuan had no members because the legislature refused to approve the president’s nomination list and the Council of Grand Justices was four justices short.
Now that the KMT will control the entire government, it should consider taking advantage of its two-thirds legislative majority to reduce the number of grand justices and members of the Control and Examination yuans through constitutional amendments.
More importantly, however, the decision-making process should be made even more transparent and senior officials become more approachable. Maybe every ministry head or high-level official should reduce the size of their bodyguard detail and commute to work by bus at least once or twice a week, to experience ordinary life and interact with the general public. This would go a long way toward furthering Taiwan’s democracy.
Chen Hwei-syin is the dean of the College of Law at National Chengchi University.
Translated by Ted Yang
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