The security environment since the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the US demonstrates the limits of the ability of the UN and the US -- the world's sole military superpower -- to maintain international security. However, like-minded middle-level powers with similar intentions could complement what the UN or the US lacks, effectively generating sufficient clout to stabilize the global security environment.
Japan, Australia, Germany and Canada may be just such powers. They share common values as free and democratic countries. Moreover, they are non-nuclear powers with no permanent seats on the UN Security Council.
All are long time allies of the US and in recent years have had many opportunities to demonstrate their ability and willingness to contribute to international security if called upon. They all also share a recognition that global stability directly serves their own national interests.
Nevertheless, subtle differences among these countries may influence their bilateral cooperation or coordination with the UN or the US. As a result, they must compliment each other's advantages, characteristics and interests in order to optimize their role in promoting international security.
For years, Japan has taken only cautious steps into this area. However, in March Japan agreed to enter an alliance with Australia and issued a Communique on Japan-Australia Security Cooperation.
In early June, the two countries' defense and foreign ministers held the first regular security meeting, the so-called two-plus-two meeting in Tokyo, agreeing to promote defense cooperation in various fields, including international security.
Under Japan's last two prime ministers, the country has steadily been making practical contributions to the stabilization of the international security environment as a way to benefit its national and international interests. Japan is thus helping to create conditions to allow middle-level powers to act jointly and effectively to provide an essential international "public good."
Such practical proposals address key global issues, including international terrorism; strengthening of mechanisms for arms control, arms reduction and non-proliferation; efforts to contain attempts by North Korea and Iran to develop nuclear weapons; encouraging transparency in China's military; restraining Russia's imperial ambitions and building a global ballistic missile defense network against missiles that could be launched by rogue regimes.
However, efforts to promote this kind of cooperation should not be confined to these middle-level powers. There are many other potential middle-level democratic countries that should take part. Various approaches may be available for building a coalition of such powers, including the use of the UN and seeking to influence US foreign policy.
To advance such efforts, Japan, Canada, Australia and Germany could strengthen ties with other like-minded middle-level countries that possess nuclear weapons and hold permanent seats on the UN Security Council, such as the UK and France, or with smaller nuclear powers without permanent Security Council seats like India.
Once such a coalition gains a sure footing, the next step would be to participate actively in the negotiation of major security issues such as international arms control, arms reduction and non-proliferation, while encouraging the involvement of China and Russia. The goal should be to build and exercise influence within the international community to the point that the coalition becomes tantamount to a permanent "sixth" member of the UN Security Council.
Hideaki Kaneda is a retired vice admiral and former chief of Japan's Self-Defense Forces and is director of the Okazaki Institute in Tokyo.
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
The past few months have seen tremendous strides in India’s journey to develop a vibrant semiconductor and electronics ecosystem. The nation’s established prowess in information technology (IT) has earned it much-needed revenue and prestige across the globe. Now, through the convergence of engineering talent, supportive government policies, an expanding market and technologically adaptive entrepreneurship, India is striving to become part of global electronics and semiconductor supply chains. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Vision of “Make in India” and “Design in India” has been the guiding force behind the government’s incentive schemes that span skilling, design, fabrication, assembly, testing and packaging, and
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
As former president Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) wrapped up his visit to the People’s Republic of China, he received his share of attention. Certainly, the trip must be seen within the full context of Ma’s life, that is, his eight-year presidency, the Sunflower movement and his failed Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, as well as his eight years as Taipei mayor with its posturing, accusations of money laundering, and ups and downs. Through all that, basic questions stand out: “What drives Ma? What is his end game?” Having observed and commented on Ma for decades, it is all ironically reminiscent of former US president Harry