The growing global unease over safety of Chinese goods culminated in a lengthy article in the July 23 issue of Business Week that attempted to offer a broad yet penetrating look at the background behind the hoopla.
Days later, the EU -- following Washington's lead -- resolved to frown on President Chen Shui-bian's (陳水扁) bid to apply for UN membership under the name of "Taiwan."
The conclusion of the Business Week article is that halting China's shoddy practices on both products and environment would require nothing short of dismantling the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). That's remarkable considering that the article refrained from delving into the more insidious exploitation the vast majority of the Chinese people suffer at the hands of a relative few.
The assertion that the main culprit here is the lack of checks-and-balances that democracy can provide only goes to reinforce the case against Beijing's wishful premise that the liberation of the economy doesn't necessitate a likewise loosening of shackles on political freedom.
To identify where the steaming colossal ship of China's economy has sprung a serious leak in a thoroughly corroded hull, the article zooms in on Beijing's failure to convey its authority to the local levels, where laws are routinely ignored in the name of prosperity and -- more often than not -- personal greed.
That ought to surprise no one considering that some 3 million CCP members -- a burgeoning rank compared to practically none only a few years ago -- engage in private enterprises. In other words, by and large, the CCP today is collaborating with foreign commercial interests to milk not only China's manpower but also its environment.
Contrasting to the glowing accounts China's economy routinely received in the last few years, a new picture seems to emerge from the latest vetting of China's two-decade-old head-first plunge into capitalism. It's a picture of plundering of natural resources, of ravaging of environment, of looming eco-crises, of disruption of social fabrics and of "endemic corruption."
The CCP is brutal and efficient at controlling the general Chinese public but would seem to turn into jelly when dealing with its own rank and file, save for instances when the application of the rule of law becomes the tool of choice as well as a cover for a power struggle. After all, the CCP members comprise the core support of the party. It then follows that some vital issues -- including the environment and the safety of food and drugs, if they were hurting CCP members' pocket books -- would never be adequately addressed.
As a consequence, manufacturers of goods, both domestic and international, have no compunction about dumping undesirable substances into China's water, soil and air. Practices shunned in many parts of the world are commonplace in China.
The CCP, ever since its inception, made redress of China's humiliation at the hands of foreign colonialist powers one of its paramount goals.
There is then no shortage of irony if the CCP might have inadvertently brought another form of colonialism on China in the guise of international commerce.
The devastation to China's society, if unchecked, could easily recall the pre-Opium War era with one exception.
This time around, the well-stocked Chinese national coffers afford amassing an increasingly impressive array of military hardware that bodes badly for a likely confrontation with the West. No matter how China would fare in the eventual showdown, it would once again plunge the country to the bottom of its historically destined cyclical fortune.
It is precisely this alternate boom-and-bust nature of China's fate from which Taiwan would desire to exit. Taiwanese would like to minimize the fall-out they might receive when China's bubble finally bursts.
Much must be done to position Taiwan for that fateful moment.
A new constitution would be indispensable in ridding Taiwan of the rampant neo-colonialism that is sapping the nation's vitality through internal division.
Specifically, a new constitution, that at least defines the nation's territories, would make it clear to the future generations of Taiwanese just who they are and where their loyalty should reside. This would go a long way to counter the confusion the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), through its half-century of colonial rule, sought to sow in the mind of the Taiwanese public. Taiwan's ultimate survival depends on that clarity.
Given that the objections coming from both the US and the EU on Taiwan's UN bid are the results of Beijing's urging, the damage to their relationship with Taiwan should be short-lived. Compared to the extent to which Taiwan's current pan blue-effected reluctance to arm is straining the US-Taiwan strategic partnership, Taiwan's UN bid should have negligible effect in estranging Taiwan from the US in the long run.
Buttressing this argument is the fact that sovereignty-building efforts such as a new constitution and the UN effort would go hand in hand with Taiwan's desire to strengthen its defense.
The inexorable truth remains that the significance of personal long-term survival should invariably trump concerns for short-term inconvenience to friends.
A new constitution and Taiwan's continued efforts to join international organizations could constitute the one-two punch Taiwan needs to plow through domestic and international hurdles and to emerge solid and ready to seize the opportunity Beijing will ultimately serve up.
Huang Jei-hsuan
California
There is much evidence that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is sending soldiers from the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to support Russia’s invasion of Ukraine — and is learning lessons for a future war against Taiwan. Until now, the CCP has claimed that they have not sent PLA personnel to support Russian aggression. On 18 April, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelinskiy announced that the CCP is supplying war supplies such as gunpowder, artillery, and weapons subcomponents to Russia. When Zelinskiy announced on 9 April that the Ukrainian Army had captured two Chinese nationals fighting with Russians on the front line with details
On a quiet lane in Taipei’s central Daan District (大安), an otherwise unremarkable high-rise is marked by a police guard and a tawdry A4 printout from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs indicating an “embassy area.” Keen observers would see the emblem of the Holy See, one of Taiwan’s 12 so-called “diplomatic allies.” Unlike Taipei’s other embassies and quasi-consulates, no national flag flies there, nor is there a plaque indicating what country’s embassy this is. Visitors hoping to sign a condolence book for the late Pope Francis would instead have to visit the Italian Trade Office, adjacent to Taipei 101. The death of
By now, most of Taiwan has heard Taipei Mayor Chiang Wan-an’s (蔣萬安) threats to initiate a vote of no confidence against the Cabinet. His rationale is that the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)-led government’s investigation into alleged signature forgery in the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) recall campaign constitutes “political persecution.” I sincerely hope he goes through with it. The opposition currently holds a majority in the Legislative Yuan, so the initiation of a no-confidence motion and its passage should be entirely within reach. If Chiang truly believes that the government is overreaching, abusing its power and targeting political opponents — then
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), joined by the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), held a protest on Saturday on Ketagalan Boulevard in Taipei. They were essentially standing for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which is anxious about the mass recall campaign against KMT legislators. President William Lai (賴清德) said that if the opposition parties truly wanted to fight dictatorship, they should do so in Tiananmen Square — and at the very least, refrain from groveling to Chinese officials during their visits to China, alluding to meetings between KMT members and Chinese authorities. Now that China has been defined as a foreign hostile force,