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US-Taiwan relations need better balancing

One of the biggest problems President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government have faced internationally is how to correct the image of Taiwan as troublemaker in the Taiwan Strait.

Many international observers see Chen's push for explicit Taiwanese independence through a referendum and the introduction of a new constitution as needless provocation of China and thus inherently detrimental to cross-strait interaction.

Americans often stress that since the Bush administration is preoccupied with North Korea and is dependent on China's assistance, Taiwan should refrain from giving Beijing excuses to elicit US pressure on Taiwan.

In some cases, Chen did make surprising announcements of new initiatives in a manner that didn't help his friends in Washington prepare the ground properly and that allowed Chen-haters to make him appear irresponsible or insufficiently aware of how difficult the US position has been.

Therefore, the Bush administration has stressed publicly the terms of "accountability," "responsibility" and "consistency" in connection to Chen.

A serious disjuncture has apparently occurred between Taipei and Washington over timing and judgment -- even if the Chen administration's underlying policies make sense.

There is a balance to be struck, and this has not been recognized sufficiently by the two sides.

Most US policymakers tend to forget that new democracies always struggle to consolidate internally and develop mature party systems. Taiwan is also a unique case in that it faces an increasing Chinese military threat.

Sometimes people overreact to Chen and his administration's actions. Sometimes they merely overlook the China factor and blame all on Chen's politicking.

For example, most people regard "Taiwan-centered consciousness" as a product of the DPP government. In fact, it has been rooted in Taiwanese society since the Japanese era and underwent transformation during the Chinese Nationalist Party's (KMT) authoritarian rule and democratization in the 1990s.

Also, as a popularly elected leader, it's natural for Chen to play to his base -- just as US presidents do on abortion, taxes and national security.

Chen thinks he has been careful in not doing anything that might give Beijing cause to literally go ballistic. And he has criticized Beijing's growing number of missiles targeting Taiwan and the rapid expansion of its military budget as clear violations of the cross-strait "status quo."

Washington instead worries about miscalculations. Most importantly, it is frustrated that Taiwan shows no determination to strengthen its defensive capabilities and seems to take US military assistance in the case of cross-strait conflict for granted.

It's not about right or wrong. It's about how to reinforce Taiwan's message and the necessity of strengthening communication. This involves incorporating a more realistic and effective strategy of public diplomacy to rebuild US-Taiwan relations.

Taiwan needs to mobilize official and civic resources and launch a global campaign to debunk Beijing's line and allow the international community to understand the true purpose of Taiwan's democracy.

Winning the next presidential election is important, but the key is to translate the current growing pains of democracy into a positive image of Taiwan as a beacon for Chinese democracy and a cornerstone of peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region.

The goal for Taiwan's new representative to the US, outgoing Mainland Affairs Council Chairman Joseph Wu (吳釗燮), should be not only to clearly relay messages from Taipei to Washington but also to let the American people know the real Taiwan.

Liu Kuan-teh is a Taipei-based political commentator.
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