A year ago, two reforms to Taiwan's broadcasting system were enacted that had the potential to change the local media landscape.
First, the legislature passed the Statue Regarding the Disposition of Government Shareholdings in the Terrestrial Television Industry (無線電視事業公股處理條例) in January last year. The Chinese Television System (CTS) was to transform into a publicly operated company, while Taiwan Indigenous TV, Hakka TV and Macroview TV were to be managed by the Taiwan Public Television Service Foundation.
At the same time, the legislature approved the first list of members of the National Communications Commission (NCC), which would replace the Government Information Office (GIO) as the overseer of broadcast media. Expectations were high that the NCC would resolve the disorder throughout the broadcast media industry and market and improve the industry's long history of poor service.
But a year later, the performances of the new NCC and old GIO have proven disappointing. The pace of media reform has not only ground to a halt, it has even gone into reverse.
The NCC has followed the old GIO tradition by sparking controversy in its regulation of broadcast media content. It has also been extremely passive and ineffective in managing the industry and market. Its failures have included allowing foreign capital to pour into the terrestrial TV network, its poor management of the sales of government shares in media outlets and the sales of media organizations controlled by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT).
Management of KMT sales has been particularly problematic. Rumors of political manipulation and meddling by the purchasing media groups marred the sales of China Television Company (CTV), Taiwan Television Enterprise (TTV) and the KMT's Broadcasting Corporation of China (BCC).
After the sales, serious concerns arose over whether the influence of political parties, the government and the military had really been removed from the media. The sales also did nothing to resolve the concentration of controlling interests and of foreign ownership.
Not only did the NCC fail to demand that the involved businesses to make information on the transactions more transparent, but it basically allowed them to do whatever they please.
The NCC's inaction eventually allowed the media environment to become completely saturated by collusion between the government and businesses.
Second, the statute stripped the GIO of its regulatory authority, leaving it empowered only to guide and encourage broadcast media with financial incentives. The information office has not been able to offer a clear plan and explanation for its policy to help establish and develop public broadcast groups. The GIO has also failed to provide the funds for additional costs -- as required in Article 14 of the new statute -- that CTS would incur during its transformation, nor has the office actively pushed for amendments to the Public Television Law (
The GIO's failures made the establishment of public broadcasting companies just an empty formality. The CTS privatization has hit major roadblocks and Taiwan Broadcasting System (TBS,
Over the past year, the GIO and the NCC have been at loggerheads. Both organizations have played a part in the delays and reversals that deadlocked the nation's broadcast media reform process.
To prevent the reform movement from dying at the hands of these agencies, a stern protest against both of them and a proposal of four solutions are in order.
First, in accordance with the interests of the Taiwanese, the NCC should immediately come up with an effective approach to regulating the broadcast media industry. This is particularly pertinent with regard to the transfer of ownership of TTV, CTV and the BCC and the possible attempts by foreign investors to monopolize cable television networks.
The NCC should also provide immediate updates on the latest market and industry developments and speed up the pace of amending related laws.
Second, the GIO should work as fast as possible to prepare a reasonable budget for companies in the process of transforming into publicly operated stations and provide CTS with the funds it requires.
Third, the GIO should hasten its efforts to amend to the Public Television Law. It should publicly explain its overall plan for the broadcasting network and its progress in implementing the plan.
Fourth, before a public broadcast group becomes fully integrated and operational, the Cabinet should establish an agency composed of staffers from the GIO, Council of Indigenous Peoples, Council of Hakka Affairs, Overseas Compatriot Affairs Commission, Taiwan Public Television Service Foundation, publicly operated TV stations, academic experts and civic groups to map out the future development of the public broadcasting group.
If the NCC and the GIO fail to make such improvements in the operations of the nation's broadcast media, then we will appeal to the legislature, higher-level government organizations and the general public to put greater pressure on both agencies. Their dereliction of duty should not become a burden for the entire nation.
Kuan Chung-hsiang is president of Media Watch, a non-governmental organization that promotes ethical journalism. Lo Shih-hung is convener of the Campaign for Media Reform.
Translated by Marc Langer and Daniel Cheng
As strategic tensions escalate across the vast Indo-Pacific region, Taiwan has emerged as more than a potential flashpoint. It is the fulcrum upon which the credibility of the evolving American-led strategy of integrated deterrence now rests. How the US and regional powers like Japan respond to Taiwan’s defense, and how credible the deterrent against Chinese aggression proves to be, will profoundly shape the Indo-Pacific security architecture for years to come. A successful defense of Taiwan through strengthened deterrence in the Indo-Pacific would enhance the credibility of the US-led alliance system and underpin America’s global preeminence, while a failure of integrated deterrence would
The Executive Yuan recently revised a page of its Web site on ethnic groups in Taiwan, replacing the term “Han” (漢族) with “the rest of the population.” The page, which was updated on March 24, describes the composition of Taiwan’s registered households as indigenous (2.5 percent), foreign origin (1.2 percent) and the rest of the population (96.2 percent). The change was picked up by a social media user and amplified by local media, sparking heated discussion over the weekend. The pan-blue and pro-China camp called it a politically motivated desinicization attempt to obscure the Han Chinese ethnicity of most Taiwanese.
On Wednesday last week, the Rossiyskaya Gazeta published an article by Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) asserting the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) territorial claim over Taiwan effective 1945, predicated upon instruments such as the 1943 Cairo Declaration and the 1945 Potsdam Proclamation. The article further contended that this de jure and de facto status was subsequently reaffirmed by UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 of 1971. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs promptly issued a statement categorically repudiating these assertions. In addition to the reasons put forward by the ministry, I believe that China’s assertions are open to questions in international
The Legislative Yuan passed an amendment on Friday last week to add four national holidays and make Workers’ Day a national holiday for all sectors — a move referred to as “four plus one.” The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), who used their combined legislative majority to push the bill through its third reading, claim the holidays were chosen based on their inherent significance and social relevance. However, in passing the amendment, they have stuck to the traditional mindset of taking a holiday just for the sake of it, failing to make good use of
RSS