Just as early polls predicted, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) candidate Hau Lung-bin (
However, in Kaohsiung, KMT candidate Huang Chun-ying (
To begin with, this election is most significant for entrenching Taiwan's two-party political landscape. People First Party (PFP) Chairman James Soong (
With Soong out of the game, the PFP now finds itself hurried along toward its ultimate demise as the two-party system is strengthened.
Meanwhile, Hau has gone from strength to strength since leaving the New Party to return to the KMT, allowing him to demolish Hsieh and Soong, two politicians with strong administrative experience. The contrast in the results between the two pan-blue candidates discredits the idea that the candidates and their political stances were important in this election. The smaller parties may have had their day completely within the pan-blue and pan-green camps.
And why should it be any different in Kaohsiung, one of the DPP's traditional strongholds? The Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU) initially wanted to take advantage of the DPP corruption scandals to emerge from its role as second fiddle to the DPP and distinguish between the "real and fake localization parties."
However, its performance in this election proves that it awaits the same fate as the other smaller parties. With former president Lee Teng-hui's (
In addition, the numbers illustrate that the KMT and DPP have maintained their respective support bases in the north and south. Right now, President Chen Shui-bian (
If this voting pattern becomes implanted and moderate voters migrate toward the extremes of the political spectrum, then I predict that KMT Chairman Ma Ying-jeou (
It's also important to compare the different strengths of the two parties in waging their campaigns. In the up-and-down Kaohsiung race, Huang, who polls had originally shown to be the leader, once more missed an opportunity to seize the coveted mayorship. The KMT took a conservative approach, choosing to lay back and avoid a fight rather than face its opponent head on. This low-key strategy eventually eroded the party's initial advantage.
Just like the controversy over the assassination attempt on President Chen during the 2004 election, the effect of the alleged vote buying in this year's election in Kaohsiung was not as significant as it first seemed. The upset at the end of the 2004 election made everyone wonder whether the KMT had used its six years in opposition to prepare and transform itself into a party capable of winning votes -- so too with the mayoral election.
Ma called the results of the poll a "draw," but the KMT should have won in Kaohsiung. Not only will this lack of drive force Taiwan to continue to bear an allegedly corrupt ruling party, but it must now face the bleak prospect of an ineffective opposition party as well. How can the nation endure such a situation?
With the votes counted, the candidates' battle has drawn to a close. But for the Taiwanese, who bear the heavy responsibility of upholding Taiwan's democracy, the battle has only just begun. If we can make the rational decision to accept the election results, if we let the victors enjoy the sweet fruits of Taiwan's democracy and the losers make the courageous decision to try again another day, then Taiwan's democracy will emerge from the storm and move toward calmer waters.
Fong Ruey-jay is a doctoral student in political science at the University of North Texas.
Translated by Marc Langer
There is much evidence that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is sending soldiers from the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to support Russia’s invasion of Ukraine — and is learning lessons for a future war against Taiwan. Until now, the CCP has claimed that they have not sent PLA personnel to support Russian aggression. On 18 April, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelinskiy announced that the CCP is supplying war supplies such as gunpowder, artillery, and weapons subcomponents to Russia. When Zelinskiy announced on 9 April that the Ukrainian Army had captured two Chinese nationals fighting with Russians on the front line with details
On a quiet lane in Taipei’s central Daan District (大安), an otherwise unremarkable high-rise is marked by a police guard and a tawdry A4 printout from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs indicating an “embassy area.” Keen observers would see the emblem of the Holy See, one of Taiwan’s 12 so-called “diplomatic allies.” Unlike Taipei’s other embassies and quasi-consulates, no national flag flies there, nor is there a plaque indicating what country’s embassy this is. Visitors hoping to sign a condolence book for the late Pope Francis would instead have to visit the Italian Trade Office, adjacent to Taipei 101. The death of
By now, most of Taiwan has heard Taipei Mayor Chiang Wan-an’s (蔣萬安) threats to initiate a vote of no confidence against the Cabinet. His rationale is that the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)-led government’s investigation into alleged signature forgery in the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) recall campaign constitutes “political persecution.” I sincerely hope he goes through with it. The opposition currently holds a majority in the Legislative Yuan, so the initiation of a no-confidence motion and its passage should be entirely within reach. If Chiang truly believes that the government is overreaching, abusing its power and targeting political opponents — then
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), joined by the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), held a protest on Saturday on Ketagalan Boulevard in Taipei. They were essentially standing for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which is anxious about the mass recall campaign against KMT legislators. President William Lai (賴清德) said that if the opposition parties truly wanted to fight dictatorship, they should do so in Tiananmen Square — and at the very least, refrain from groveling to Chinese officials during their visits to China, alluding to meetings between KMT members and Chinese authorities. Now that China has been defined as a foreign hostile force,