Editorial: Too early to pass judgement

It is often difficult to predict how things will develop, and we sometimes don't know whether to laugh or cry at the results. Wang Li-ping (王麗萍), second-in-command of the anti-Chen campaign, had to resign after it emerged that she had been kicked out of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) for being convicted on bribery charges in connection with the Yunlin County Council speaker election in 1994.

Corruption is a complicated issue. It will not disappear because a sit-in protest tries to bring down an individual; rather, its minimization involves a serious and difficult political, economic and social process persistently pursued over the long term.

When it was revealed that the housekeeper of President Chen Shui-bian's (陳水扁) daughter was paid by the Presidential Office, this was condemned as unreasonable. Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou's (馬英九) adoption of a dog was paid for with his special expenditure fund, and that is also unreasonable. Although both Chen's daughter and Ma returned the money, using official expenses for private purposes can cross the line into corruption.

But corruption is not the preserve of a single person or party. As the pan-blue and "red" camps accuse the government of graft, former Presidential Office deputy secretary-general Chen Che-nan (陳哲男) stands accused of corruption, Chen's son-in-law Chao Chien-ming (趙建銘) stands accused of insider trading, Yen Wan-chin(顏萬進), former vice minister of the interior, is under investigation for bribe-taking, and the investigation into the Presidential Office's use of the special fund is ongoing.

And although Wu Chun-li (吳俊立) of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) was convicted of corruption and barred from taking office as Taitung County commissioner, the KMT still nominated his wife, Kuang Li-chen (鄺麗貞), for the position. Furthermore, Ma campaigned successfully for the re-election of Keelung Mayor Hsu Tsai-li (許財利), who on Thursday was sentenced to seven years in prison for graft involving a land deal.

Hsu has the right of appeal, and only if the second instance renders a verdict of "guilty" can the Ministry of the Interior discharge Hsu. Asking for his resignation now is only a political and moral demand.

So despite the present anti-Chen campaign, it would seem to a neutral observer that the KMT has greater problems with corruption than the DPP.

We all hope to eliminate corruption, but that goal must not take precedence over the rule of law, and it must not be turned into a moral or political issue that disregards the law. If it does, it will become a trial in the court of public opinion. Experience tells us that even though corruption charges may be shocking, they do not always lead to a guilty verdict.

If people really want to punish corruption, they should bridge the gap between morality and legality, such as amending the law regulating civil servants' use of public funds, relaxing the conditions constituting a corruption charge, and stipulating that all government officials should be stood down if found guilty by a court in the first instance.

If the public insists that ousting every politician accused of a misdemeanor will eradicate corruption, the power to appoint and remove government officials will be in the hands of the media.

Because the scandal involving the Presidential Office is still under investigation, it is too early to predict the outcome. Forcing Chen to resign based on sensational accusations in the media and by lawmakers is unacceptable. The corruption charges against the first family are still under investigation, which means the first family is neither indicted nor sentenced. The public should give the judiciary more time and space.