After 1949, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Mainlanders who emigrated from China to Taiwan ruled over the Taiwanese majority. The party maintained power by uniting Mainlanders and isolating them from the Taiwanese who already lived here, separating them into an official class.
This segregation policy adopted by the KMT aimed to divide the Taiwanese people based on a good-bad dichotomy: Those who opposed the KMT were labeled villains, Taiwanese independence activists or even followers of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), while those who chose to cooperate with the KMT were treated as their servants.
The most important tools for implementing this segregation policy were the educational system and the media, which were used to teach the Taiwanese obedience and smear the images of those who opposed the KMT.
With the passage of time, and as a result of social changes, the Mainlanders living in Taiwan have become divided into two groups, "Taiwanese Main-landers" who identify with Taiwan, and "Chinese living in Taiwan" who do not identify with Taiwan. The longstanding policy to create an official class of Mainlanders produced a cultural and political phenomenon unique to the group of Chinese living in Taiwan.
Many people from this group believe they are the natural ruling class of Taiwan. They feel that they are wiser than the Taiwanese people, are an enlightened official class and are the teachers that should reform the Taiwanese people, who naturally should be obedient to their rule.
When former president Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國) passed away, this group of Chinese living in Taiwan lost their ruling position, but having internalized the culture of the official class, they felt a sense of crisis and were unable to adapt to the changes brought by democracy. Unable to maintain face and keep up the false dignity of the official class, they turned to organized cultural villainy.
Through their own privileged media outlets, they have resorted to reporting using double standards, insults and prejudice. While they only spent a few days reporting on the source of Ma's fortune, worth NT$80 million (US$2.45 million), they are offering around-the-clock coverage of the scandal surrounding President Chen Shui-bian's (
When Ma goes jogging every morning he becomes an advocate for exercise for everyman, while Chen's inspection tours of southern Taiwan are construed as dereliction of duty.
Examples of how Taiwanese are insulted and discriminated against in the media abound. This is not enough, however, and they have announced that they will join hands with their old enemy the CCP to speed up the exodus of Taiwanese capital to China and hollow out Taiwan. They are even promoting Taiwanese agricultural exports to China to erode the DPP's stronghold in southern Taiwan.
Their goal is to help China annex Taiwan, whether they are in power or not. To them, Taiwan's democracy is but a symbol of their shameful loss of power. They cannot understand what democracy means to the Chinese people who live under the rule of the CCP. The official class cannot bear that its servants have stood up and wrested power from them. This also explains why pro-China media outlets led by the group of Chinese living in Taiwan are acting with the deadly frenzy of a pack of crazed dogs.
Chang Cheng-shuh is a former deputy secretary-general of the Taiwan Association of University Professors.
Translated by Daniel Cheng
George Santayana wrote: “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” This article will help readers avoid repeating mistakes by examining four examples from the civil war between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) forces and the Republic of China (ROC) forces that involved two city sieges and two island invasions. The city sieges compared are Changchun (May to October 1948) and Beiping (November 1948 to January 1949, renamed Beijing after its capture), and attempts to invade Kinmen (October 1949) and Hainan (April 1950). Comparing and contrasting these examples, we can learn how Taiwan may prevent a war with
A recent trio of opinion articles in this newspaper reflects the growing anxiety surrounding Washington’s reported request for Taiwan to shift up to 50 percent of its semiconductor production abroad — a process likely to take 10 years, even under the most serious and coordinated effort. Simon H. Tang (湯先鈍) issued a sharp warning (“US trade threatens silicon shield,” Oct. 4, page 8), calling the move a threat to Taiwan’s “silicon shield,” which he argues deters aggression by making Taiwan indispensable. On the same day, Hsiao Hsi-huei (蕭錫惠) (“Responding to US semiconductor policy shift,” Oct. 4, page 8) focused on
Taiwan is rapidly accelerating toward becoming a “super-aged society” — moving at one of the fastest rates globally — with the proportion of elderly people in the population sharply rising. While the demographic shift of “fewer births than deaths” is no longer an anomaly, the nation’s legal framework and social customs appear stuck in the last century. Without adjustments, incidents like last month’s viral kicking incident on the Taipei MRT involving a 73-year-old woman would continue to proliferate, sowing seeds of generational distrust and conflict. The Senior Citizens Welfare Act (老人福利法), originally enacted in 1980 and revised multiple times, positions older
Following the resignation of Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba from the presidency of the Liberal Democratic Party, Sanae Takaichi was elected president of the party on Oct. 4. Takaichi is familiar to many Taiwanese due to her many visits to and support for the neighboring island nation. She is widely seen as a protege of late former Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe, also a staunch ally of Taiwan. President William Lai (賴清德) congratulated Takaichi as news broke that she was elected LDP president, calling her a “loyal friend of Taiwan.” She has continuously pushed for closer cooperation between Taiwan and Japan,