Wed, May 31, 2006 page8

• Why the DPP must pull together

  • By Chin Heng-wei 金恆煒
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  President Chen Shui-bian's (陳水扁) son-in-law Chao Chien-ming (趙建銘) has been detained on suspicion of insider trading. No matter how the investigation unfolds, Chao's case is not only a bona fide political scandal, it has also dealt a potentially fatal blow to the governing Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which is already battered by a pan-blue camp bent on digging up corruption scandals.

  I believe that most Taiwanese have never contemplated whether the DPP administration has turned the judiciary into an independent tool different from the judiciary run by the KMT party-state and whether the judiciary really is able to resist political forces. The profound questions of whether the judiciary can remain independent or whether it will dance to the tune of the pan-blue camp or the pro-blue camp media outlets are important issues that we have to give serious thought to.

  Chao's case highlights that the power struggle within the DPP has intensified. Not only are the four DPP "heavyweights," Vice President Annette Lu (呂秀蓮), Premier Su Tseng-chang (蘇貞昌), DPP Chairman Yu Shyi-kun and former premier Frank Hsieh (謝長廷) jostling for power, but anti-Chen forces have also finally come out in full strength. The media has made a big deal of DPP Legislator Julian Kuo (郭正亮), one of Chen's proteges, adopting a critical attitude toward his mentor when he recently berated Chen for "coveting power, ignoring social justice and discarding his ideals." This is almost worse than the accusations made by Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Legislator Chiu Yi (邱毅) and those of his ilk in their attempts to nail Chen to the cross.

  Let's leave aside which political faction Kuo belongs to within the DPP. Kuo used to be the right-hand man of former DPP chairman Hsu Hsin-liang (許信良). But when Hsu received financial aid from former KMT chairman and presidential candidate Lien Chan (連戰) to campaign in 2000 to split the DPP vote in the presidential election but still suffered a crushing defeat, Kuo felt where the wind was blowing and abandoned Hsu to join the DPP's Justice Alliance faction. In other words, rather than saying that Kuo is one of Chen's proteges, it would be more correct to say that he bends with the wind.

  The question at issue, however, is not whether or not Kuo is an unprincipled and fickle politician. What we should be discussing are his recent suggestions. Kuo wants Chen to relinquish his hold on military power and the DPP to hold a presidential primary for the 2008 presidential elections ahead of time, in effect bringing about a transfer of power.

  Kuo has also suggested that the DPP's four heavyweights jointly make major national decisions and resolve internal party disputes, adding that all important decisions should be made collectively. The problem is that the president's power is clearly stated in the Constitution and cannot simply be transferred. Even if the DPP chooses a presidential candidate for 2008, he or she will not be able to usurp the power of the incumbent president. More importantly, apart from the pan-blue camp being overcome by joy if Chen does become a lame duck ahead of time, it will not bring any advantage to the pan-green camp.

  That is why the four DPP heavyweights have jointly issued a statement expressing their full support for Chen and asked the DPP legislative caucus to unite and remain calm. They have also called for firm support for Chen so that he can effectively lead the nation. DPP legislators across faction lines have also said that they will help the central leadership to consolidate. Although the two opposing forces within the DPP will not necessarily reach a consensus on this issue, nine non-governmental localization organizations held a joint press conference to denounce the behavior of some pan-green politicians seeking political gain amid the recent scandals. They called on supporters to back the president and his top leadership.

  Clearly, pan-green supporters have already passed judgment. Acting Kaohsiung Mayor Yeh Chu-lan (葉菊蘭) has come forward to condemn the "political vultures" within the DPP. Ng Chiau-tong (黃昭堂), chairman of the World United Formosans for Independence (台獨聯盟), has also urged Taiwanese to unite in support of Chen. In short, just as Senior Adviser to the President Peng Ming-min (彭明敏) has said, "Chen has to hang in there and continue on with his national duties and reforms, for he has run out of other options." The pan-green camp has now come to an agreement and will not fall into the trap orchestrated by the pan-blues. The DPP must also seek to root out those attempting to incite conflict. While the pan-blue camp is portraying KMT Chairman Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) as an impeccable politician and chipping away at Chen's image, pro-green camp organizations are now poised to turn the tables.

  With the political scene in a shambles, pan-green supporters have once again demonstrated their wisdom and refused to lose their cool, for they are aware that they have a historical mission ahead of them. Will Taiwan return to the hands of an alien regime? Will they sit idly by as China and the pan-blues perform their "Eventual Unification Symphony" and put an end to Taiwan's democratization and localization?

  It is our choice but future generations will not be able to escape it. The question of whether we want to support Chen or get rid of him must be considered against this background. Only then will we be able to take our destiny in our own hands without being confused by others. This must be our overriding concern.

  Chin Heng-wei is the editor-in-chief of Contemporary Monthly magazine.

  Translated by Daniel Cheng
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