Successful films often fuel sequels, giving audiences the opportunity to perpetuate the satisfying illusion created in the original. In Taiwan, the presidential election and its aftermath became a real-life thriller -- but the captive public has been unable to walk out on it ever since. The tension associated with this Saturday's sequel, not unlike Speed 2: Cruise Control, is a creation that has been forced on the public, with most only wanting an end to disruption and a return to normality. As part of the new script, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Lien Chan (
According to Article Two and Article Three of the Additional Articles of the Constitution, the premier is appointed by the president and does not require the approval of the legislature. Although the premier is responsible to the legislature, his position as a presidential appointee is in no way related to who holds a majority in the legislature. These articles were added to the Constitution to allow Lien to serve as vice president and premier concurrently under former president Lee Teng-hui (
Although the presidential appointment of the premier is not affected by who has a legislative majority, the premier's ability to maintain his position is. Lien's suggestion that the pan-blue camp will be able to form government if it wins a majority can therefore take place, but only as a result of vicious political fighting. The scenario would be as follows: The president appoints a premier from a minority party. The administration of the premier is boycotted by the majority party, which passes a vote of no confidence, forcing the president to dissolve the legislature and call for new elections. The opposition keeps its majority, forcing the president to bow to political realities and appoint a candidate that they can accept.
Although the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) won the presidential elections in 2000 and this year, the opposition has maintained a majority in the legislature and has constrained the government on many fronts. So far, the opposition has retained a sense of proportion, and while opposing most legislation and budget measures, has not engaged in a "scorched earth" policy of initiating a vote of no confidence, which would precipitate a political crisis. Lien's announcement makes it clear that the opposition will raise the level of its resistance if it wins a majority this time, going so far as to challenge the right of the president to appoint the premier. This will be a political battle with incalculably high political and social costs that could wear on indefinitely.
If Taiwan were a normal democratic country, the actions of political parties taken in accordance with the Constitution and their relative levels of strength would be considered acceptable. But Taiwan faces threats and obstruction from China on all fronts, and it cannot sustain another period in which it fails to advance, or slips backward, because of domestic political factors. The political scene cannot afford to become an endless series of Friday the 13th sequels, with the public serving as teen fodder for a deranged and slowly decomposing villain.
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
As Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu’s party won by a landslide in Sunday’s parliamentary election, it is a good time to take another look at recent developments in the Maldivian foreign policy. While Muizzu has been promoting his “Maldives First” policy, the agenda seems to have lost sight of a number of factors. Contemporary Maldivian policy serves as a stark illustration of how a blend of missteps in public posturing, populist agendas and inattentive leadership can lead to diplomatic setbacks and damage a country’s long-term foreign policy priorities. Over the past few months, Maldivian foreign policy has entangled itself in playing