The key to winning an election lies in framing the debate, setting the agenda, moving aggressively and striking the final blow. In most cases, a ruling government is put on the defensive, with opposition forces often taking the initiative to pull the legs out from under the incumbent administration.
Ironically, Taiwan's upcoming legislative elections seem to feature a series of aggressive campaigns launched by President Chen Shui-bian (
By labeling the week-long anti-government protest led by the pan-blue camp after the March 20 presidential election an "abortive soft coup," the president ignited campaign debate and drew everyone's attention to the alleged attempted conspiracy by some retired military generals against the DPP president.
Chen reminded voters of the dangerous situation created when Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Lien Chan (
Then Chen upheld the doctrine of separating the state from the nation, and accused the KMT of intentionally confusing the party emblem with the Republic of China's (ROC's) national emblem on the flag. The notion of a party-state was the KMT's Achilles heel and has long been a major campaign target. Despite an emotional response, no concrete efforts have been made by the KMT to clarify the accusation.
In the first two weeks of campaign maneuvering, not only has Chen successfully put pan-blue forces on the defensive, he has also controlled the tempo of the campaign and framed the issues on which voters make a decision.
The object of a campaign is not merely to answer all of the opponents' attacks; it's to make opponents go crazy trying to answer all of the attacks. Obviously, being aggressive so far has helped Chen and the DPP force the discourse into terrain most favorable to them.
The KMT's controversial and incompetent handling of its party assets, together with the inefficiency of its legislative performance -- originating largely from the pan-blue camp's consistent boycott of the Chen administration over the past fours years -- constitute Chen's next targets.
The pan-blue camp should recognize its position. But being smart and being aggressive must go hand-in-hand. The pan-blue camp is simply too weak and too stupid to deal with the DPP's attacks.
The lack of coherent strategies between the KMT and the PFP to compete with the DPP is one weakness. The failure of both parties to unite under one campaign structure is another.
The upcoming legislative elections are looking more and more "presidential," and like a continuation of the March presidential election. While public support for both Lien and Soong is quickly decreasing, it gives Chen and the DPP the advantage in persuading voters and consolidating a congressional majority.
By taking up key issues and creating a public arena for discussion, Chen can control the pace and the extent of policy-making based on majority opinion. But in the end, it is image that molds and directs the political agenda, not the other way around.
Liu Kuan-teh is a political commentator based in Taipei.
As strategic tensions escalate across the vast Indo-Pacific region, Taiwan has emerged as more than a potential flashpoint. It is the fulcrum upon which the credibility of the evolving American-led strategy of integrated deterrence now rests. How the US and regional powers like Japan respond to Taiwan’s defense, and how credible the deterrent against Chinese aggression proves to be, will profoundly shape the Indo-Pacific security architecture for years to come. A successful defense of Taiwan through strengthened deterrence in the Indo-Pacific would enhance the credibility of the US-led alliance system and underpin America’s global preeminence, while a failure of integrated deterrence would
The Executive Yuan recently revised a page of its Web site on ethnic groups in Taiwan, replacing the term “Han” (漢族) with “the rest of the population.” The page, which was updated on March 24, describes the composition of Taiwan’s registered households as indigenous (2.5 percent), foreign origin (1.2 percent) and the rest of the population (96.2 percent). The change was picked up by a social media user and amplified by local media, sparking heated discussion over the weekend. The pan-blue and pro-China camp called it a politically motivated desinicization attempt to obscure the Han Chinese ethnicity of most Taiwanese.
On Wednesday last week, the Rossiyskaya Gazeta published an article by Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) asserting the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) territorial claim over Taiwan effective 1945, predicated upon instruments such as the 1943 Cairo Declaration and the 1945 Potsdam Proclamation. The article further contended that this de jure and de facto status was subsequently reaffirmed by UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 of 1971. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs promptly issued a statement categorically repudiating these assertions. In addition to the reasons put forward by the ministry, I believe that China’s assertions are open to questions in international
The Legislative Yuan passed an amendment on Friday last week to add four national holidays and make Workers’ Day a national holiday for all sectors — a move referred to as “four plus one.” The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), who used their combined legislative majority to push the bill through its third reading, claim the holidays were chosen based on their inherent significance and social relevance. However, in passing the amendment, they have stuck to the traditional mindset of taking a holiday just for the sake of it, failing to make good use of
RSS