President Chen Shui-bian (
If the ruling and opposition parties can conduct a rational debate on the country's major issues, such an occasion is much to be anticipated. But the premise is that the legislature will abide by the spirit of the Constitution and in a legal, rational and reasonable manner allows the president to make his report.
In his request, the president said he wishes to explain to legislators such vital policies as the nation's efforts to participate in the UN and cross-strait affairs, in accordance with Article 4-3 in the Additional Articles of the Constitution (
Chen's attempt to communicate should be welcomed by society, as it has considerable jurisprudential significance. It will help overcome a lack of communication between the ruling and opposition parties that has persisted since the presidential election. Yet whether this attempt will succeed in achieving an effective political dialogue will depend on the wisdom of both parties.
Taiwan's government is not a presidential system. The Constitution clearly states that the nation's highest administrative body is the Executive Yuan, and the premier leads the ministers in directing the operations of the central government. The country's highest representational body is the Legislative Yuan, whose role is to monitor the executive's administrative performance.
The president's role is to transcend political parties and serve as a mediator between the five branches of government and as the nation's representative in dealings with foreign leaders. Chen's "state-of-the-nation" address cannot be considered a question session, for this would detract from the status of the executive.
If, in order to gain support for this address, the president chooses to interact with legislators during the delivery of this address, he might choose to use a procedure similar to that adopted by former president Lee Teng-hui (
In former times, the president was elected through a vote of the National Assembly, and Article One of the Additional Articles of the Constitution states that "When the National Assembly convenes, it may hear a report on the state of the nation by the president, review national affairs, and offer counsel." Even though in 1996 the president was directly elected, Lee used this article to address the National Assembly. He heard responses from members of the assembly and to show his respect he concluded with a final report.
Provided Chen is invited by the legislature, he can give the report in the same fashion. After reporting, each party's representative legislators -- in proportion to the make-up in the legislature -- can offer suggestions to Chen, and Chen can respond at the end of the session, or at some other time or place.
Before the Constitution is rewritten, the president needs to abide by the law while seeking ways to satisfy the legislators. The legislature should adhere to the spirit of the Constitution by inviting Chen for a dialogue.
By so doing, the administration and legislature can communicate under the same roof and separate the arms procurement deal from electoral calculations. In this way, Chen's state-of-the-nation report can set a great example in constitutional history.
As strategic tensions escalate across the vast Indo-Pacific region, Taiwan has emerged as more than a potential flashpoint. It is the fulcrum upon which the credibility of the evolving American-led strategy of integrated deterrence now rests. How the US and regional powers like Japan respond to Taiwan’s defense, and how credible the deterrent against Chinese aggression proves to be, will profoundly shape the Indo-Pacific security architecture for years to come. A successful defense of Taiwan through strengthened deterrence in the Indo-Pacific would enhance the credibility of the US-led alliance system and underpin America’s global preeminence, while a failure of integrated deterrence would
The Executive Yuan recently revised a page of its Web site on ethnic groups in Taiwan, replacing the term “Han” (漢族) with “the rest of the population.” The page, which was updated on March 24, describes the composition of Taiwan’s registered households as indigenous (2.5 percent), foreign origin (1.2 percent) and the rest of the population (96.2 percent). The change was picked up by a social media user and amplified by local media, sparking heated discussion over the weekend. The pan-blue and pro-China camp called it a politically motivated desinicization attempt to obscure the Han Chinese ethnicity of most Taiwanese.
On Wednesday last week, the Rossiyskaya Gazeta published an article by Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) asserting the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) territorial claim over Taiwan effective 1945, predicated upon instruments such as the 1943 Cairo Declaration and the 1945 Potsdam Proclamation. The article further contended that this de jure and de facto status was subsequently reaffirmed by UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 of 1971. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs promptly issued a statement categorically repudiating these assertions. In addition to the reasons put forward by the ministry, I believe that China’s assertions are open to questions in international
The Legislative Yuan passed an amendment on Friday last week to add four national holidays and make Workers’ Day a national holiday for all sectors — a move referred to as “four plus one.” The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), who used their combined legislative majority to push the bill through its third reading, claim the holidays were chosen based on their inherent significance and social relevance. However, in passing the amendment, they have stuck to the traditional mindset of taking a holiday just for the sake of it, failing to make good use of
RSS