South Asia lags way behind Africa in confronting the AIDS epidemic and is passing up money set aside for the battle because it lacks strategy and leadership, a World Bank official said on Wednesday.
Praful Patel, the World Bank president for Asia, told journalists that much of the problem stemmed from the unwillingness of Asian nations to admit that they may have something to learn from Africa.
"The situation in Asia is now like it was in Africa seven or eight years ago," Patel said.
"Politicians have a high level of discomfort talking about it," and think their ministries of health are taking care of it, he said.
His remarks were part of preparations for the 15th annual International AIDS conference, which will be held for the first time in Southeast Asia for four days from next Sunday in Bangkok.
While Thailand is recognized worldwide for taking major steps toward containing spread of the HIV virus, South Asia -- which includes India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka -- was the particular focus of Patel's remarks.
He said the World Bank had set aside US$380 million a year for the AIDS battle in the region, but much of the money went unused because of a lack of programs.
"There's a lot of money," he said, but little capacity to use it.
India is projected in a year or so to have the world's largest population in sheer numbers of HIV-positive people -- between 8 million and 20 million victims -- yet interest groups in the country have wasted time arguing over the numbers rather than getting programs in place, World Bank officials said.
African countries south of the Sahara, where three quarters of the world's 40 million HIV-positive and AIDS patients live, spent the last decade learning the lesson the hard way.
African leaders have finally stepped in to provide leadership from the top, openly discussing AIDS, condoms and other preventive measures at public appearances, with Uganda and Botswana taking the lead. AIDS experts have actually become more hopeful that the situation can be turned around there.
In a recent example of such leadership from the top, US President George W. Bush, who has been upset when his top officials such as Secretary of State Colin Powell mentioned condoms in public, just recently broke the ice and mentioned the "C" word.
Jean-Louis Sarbib, World Bank vice president for development, said the consequences of failed leadership could set back economic development for decades in South Asia, adding there is no replacement for engagement by the entire political leadership. The World Bank has warned that the epidemic could pull down economic growth by up to 1 percent, and health expenditures could increase by 1 to 3 percent.
"Nothing spreads HIV faster than silence," World Bank spokesman Philip Hay said.
Avoidance of the topic in Africa saw HIV spread from a 1 percent to 10 percent infection rate and much more over a short time, and Patel said he sees "exactly the same pattern" in South Asia.
Exact figures for the South Asia region were not available. According to the UNAIDS programme, India has an estimated infection rate of 0.7 percent in its adult population, and Bangladesh has less than a 1 percent infection rate.
Currently, Eastern Europe and Central Asia are experiencing the fastest growth of the disease worldwide, estimated at least at 20 percent, experts have said. About 1.5 million people -- or 1 percent of the population -- were estimated to be currently affected in those regions, compared to 30,000 in 1995.
Botswana had an infection rate of less than 1 percent 10 years ago, which mushroomed to more than 30 percent in recent years.
The conflict in the Middle East has been disrupting financial markets, raising concerns about rising inflationary pressures and global economic growth. One market that some investors are particularly worried about has not been heavily covered in the news: the private credit market. Even before the joint US-Israeli attacks on Iran on Feb. 28, global capital markets had faced growing structural pressure — the deteriorating funding conditions in the private credit market. The private credit market is where companies borrow funds directly from nonbank financial institutions such as asset management companies, insurance companies and private lending platforms. Its popularity has risen since
The Donald Trump administration’s approach to China broadly, and to cross-Strait relations in particular, remains a conundrum. The 2025 US National Security Strategy prioritized the defense of Taiwan in a way that surprised some observers of the Trump administration: “Deterring a conflict over Taiwan, ideally by preserving military overmatch, is a priority.” Two months later, Taiwan went entirely unmentioned in the US National Defense Strategy, as did military overmatch vis-a-vis China, giving renewed cause for concern. How to interpret these varying statements remains an open question. In both documents, the Indo-Pacific is listed as a second priority behind homeland defense and
Every analyst watching Iran’s succession crisis is asking who would replace supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Yet, the real question is whether China has learned enough from the Persian Gulf to survive a war over Taiwan. Beijing purchases roughly 90 percent of Iran’s exported crude — some 1.61 million barrels per day last year — and holds a US$400 billion, 25-year cooperation agreement binding it to Tehran’s stability. However, this is not simply the story of a patron protecting an investment. China has spent years engineering a sanctions-evasion architecture that was never really about Iran — it was about Taiwan. The
In an op-ed published in Foreign Affairs on Tuesday, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) said that Taiwan should not have to choose between aligning with Beijing or Washington, and advocated for cooperation with Beijing under the so-called “1992 consensus” as a form of “strategic ambiguity.” However, Cheng has either misunderstood the geopolitical reality and chosen appeasement, or is trying to fool an international audience with her doublespeak; nonetheless, it risks sending the wrong message to Taiwan’s democratic allies and partners. Cheng stressed that “Taiwan does not have to choose,” as while Beijing and Washington compete, Taiwan is strongest when