After Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao (
For Taiwan, his statement is serious.
But before he said that, Bush emphasized that US policy is based on the "three communiques" and the Taiwan Relations Act.
Apparently, the US' Taiwan Strait policy remains unchanged, and Bush did not, as some people in the media had predicted he would, repeat his predecessor Bill Clinton's "three noes" policy.
During a press conference after their talks, Wen, in Bush's name, made a heap of statements that conform to China's interests. Bush only nodded and did not speak. At best, this means he "heard" China's discourse; it does not mean he agreed with it.
The point is that Washington's real attitude will only be revealed after Wen returns home. We only have to look at the high-profile reception President Chen Shui-bian (
Wen proudly quoted Bush's statement, believing that the US president had publicly expressed his opposition to Taiwanese independence.
He misquoted Bush, and, furthermore, showed that China must take its cue from the US when dealing with Taiwan. Given that the Taiwan Relations Act is a US law, China must face the US before making military threats against Taiwan.
From the point of view of the US, it doesn't want any change -- what Bush termed a "unilateral attempt" -- by either Taiwan or China to the cross-strait status quo. Therefore, the US uses the "three communiques" to restrain Taiwan and the Taiwan Relations Act to restrain China.
But the problem is Taiwan is an independent democracy, and the sovereignty of a democracy lies in the hands of its people.
If Taiwanese people seek to express their opinions through democratic procedures, will the US really dare to tell them not to do so?
Former president Lee Teng-hui's (
Similarly, Washington may have found it hard to accept the newly passed Referendum Law (
Chin Heng-wei is editor in chief of Contemporary Monthly magazine.
Translated by Jackie Lin
As strategic tensions escalate across the vast Indo-Pacific region, Taiwan has emerged as more than a potential flashpoint. It is the fulcrum upon which the credibility of the evolving American-led strategy of integrated deterrence now rests. How the US and regional powers like Japan respond to Taiwan’s defense, and how credible the deterrent against Chinese aggression proves to be, will profoundly shape the Indo-Pacific security architecture for years to come. A successful defense of Taiwan through strengthened deterrence in the Indo-Pacific would enhance the credibility of the US-led alliance system and underpin America’s global preeminence, while a failure of integrated deterrence would
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