How many people in Hong Kong would be willing to accept Chinese rule if they were to vote in a referendum? This is only a hypothetical question because the Chinese government won't give them the right or a chance to vote.
Before Hong Kong was handed over to Chinese rule on July 1, 1997, many Hong Kong people still harbored some illusions about Beijing's promise to let Hong Kong remain unchanged for 50 years. The nationalist cause made some of them embrace the motherland, if only reluctantly. But their illusions have been destroyed by the changes Hong Kong has gone through over the past six years. The Pearl of the Orient is now sinking by the day.
At one point, Western industrialists who supported Hong Kong's handover to China made a very bold assumption, saying Hong Kong would have a subtle influence on China after its handover, spearheading liberalization and change on the mainland. China would then become more like Hong Kong, they said.
In fact, Hong Kong under Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa (
What's even worse, freedom of speech has withered in Hong Kong. The people's various freedoms and human rights have come under more restrictions. What makes many fiercely nationalistic Hong Kongers sad is the fact that post-handover Hong Kong can't appear to match its old self under British rule.
Over 500,000 Hong Kong people took to the streets on July 1 to protest against the Hong Kong government's plan to enact Article 23 legislation, which would restrict their freedoms. The protest has forced Tung and Beijing to postpone the legislation, but apparently this is only a delaying tactic.
Tung and his Beijing bosses have not really given up. They will push the bill once again when the time is right. Tung has not realized the motto, "Have Hong Kongers rule Hong Kong." On the contrary, he is having Beijingers rule Hong Kong by following Beijing's policies and orders.
Tung has been unpopular in Hong Kong over the years, as evident in his low public approval rates. In the dispute over Article 23, the media and many Hong Kong people have demanded his resignation. but Beijing still trusts and protects him, thoroughly ignoring the public opinion in Hong Kong. Western commentators hope that Beijing's new leaders such as President Hu Jintao (
This is naive and wishful thinking, I'm afraid. My concern is whether the Chinese communist leadership will suppress the Hong Kong people by force as they did to the students who demanded democracy in Tiananmen Square.
The ongoing debate on a referendum law in Taiwan is a stark contrast to Hong Kong.
Hong Kong serves as a mirror for the people of Taiwan. If the people of Taiwan elect someone like Tung Chee-hwa in the presidential election next March, Taiwan's future president will be a chief executive, not a president. The people of Taiwan should therefore keep their eyes wide open and not bury their freedoms and future.
Parris Chang is a DPP legislator.
Translated by Francis Huang
As strategic tensions escalate across the vast Indo-Pacific region, Taiwan has emerged as more than a potential flashpoint. It is the fulcrum upon which the credibility of the evolving American-led strategy of integrated deterrence now rests. How the US and regional powers like Japan respond to Taiwan’s defense, and how credible the deterrent against Chinese aggression proves to be, will profoundly shape the Indo-Pacific security architecture for years to come. A successful defense of Taiwan through strengthened deterrence in the Indo-Pacific would enhance the credibility of the US-led alliance system and underpin America’s global preeminence, while a failure of integrated deterrence would
The Executive Yuan recently revised a page of its Web site on ethnic groups in Taiwan, replacing the term “Han” (漢族) with “the rest of the population.” The page, which was updated on March 24, describes the composition of Taiwan’s registered households as indigenous (2.5 percent), foreign origin (1.2 percent) and the rest of the population (96.2 percent). The change was picked up by a social media user and amplified by local media, sparking heated discussion over the weekend. The pan-blue and pro-China camp called it a politically motivated desinicization attempt to obscure the Han Chinese ethnicity of most Taiwanese.
On Wednesday last week, the Rossiyskaya Gazeta published an article by Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) asserting the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) territorial claim over Taiwan effective 1945, predicated upon instruments such as the 1943 Cairo Declaration and the 1945 Potsdam Proclamation. The article further contended that this de jure and de facto status was subsequently reaffirmed by UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 of 1971. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs promptly issued a statement categorically repudiating these assertions. In addition to the reasons put forward by the ministry, I believe that China’s assertions are open to questions in international
The Legislative Yuan passed an amendment on Friday last week to add four national holidays and make Workers’ Day a national holiday for all sectors — a move referred to as “four plus one.” The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), who used their combined legislative majority to push the bill through its third reading, claim the holidays were chosen based on their inherent significance and social relevance. However, in passing the amendment, they have stuck to the traditional mindset of taking a holiday just for the sake of it, failing to make good use of