British Chancellor of the Exchequer Rachel Reeves left behind turmoil in financial markets to travel to Beijing in pursuit of growth drivers for the British economy, sparking a media backlash at home and dismaying critics of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The results were underwhelming.
Reeves, who was accompanied by leaders of financial services companies with interests in China including HSBC Holdings PLC and Standard Chartered PLC, proclaimed agreements worth £600 million (US$734 million) over the next five years that she said would benefit working people and businesses across the UK. To put that figure into perspective, it amounts to an annual boost of less than 0.005 percent to Britain’s US$3.4 trillion economy. The potential value is higher, admittedly.
Cooperation with China sets a course to deliver as much as £1 billion of benefits, according to a British Treasury statement, which equates to an increase of more like 0.007 percent. Do not break out the champagne.
To be fair, announcements stemming from international business delegations are a public-relations circus with limited meaning at the best of times. Deals that might have been reached months earlier tend to be repackaged for the cameras, given that a bigger headline number adds to the drama and enhances the prestige of the leaders taking part.
However, the full benefits of trade diplomacy are not immediately quantifiable. Britain is resuming a dialogue that has not taken place for more than five years and will expect the rewards of engagement to become more significant. At least this is what Reeves has to believe, having decided that China was a more urgent object of her attention than 30-year gilt yields reaching their highest since 1998 or the plunging pound.
Even if the chancellor was right to go ahead with the visit at such an inopportune time, events at home created an unfortunate backdrop that will have done nothing to strengthen her negotiating hand. The same can be said for the tenor of the messaging that surrounded the trip.
Britain has “no choice” but to engage with China if the government is to meet its mission of growing the economy, Reeves wrote in an op-ed for the Times at the weekend. “Reeves: UK needs China” was the headline on the newspaper’s front-page report.
This seems a less-than-optimal message to be sending to China’s leaders just as you pitch up for trade talks. It is tantamount to saying: “We are desperate, please help.”
Anyone buying a secondhand car would be unwise to tell the seller they are without alternative transport and really need this purchase; you would be unlikely to get a good price.
Reeves has been careful to stress that she will protect Britain’s national interests, lacing her statements with references to issues where the government has disagreements with China — from cyberattacks and interference in UK democracy to the crackdown on Hong Kong’s freedoms and the jailing of media proprietor Jimmy Lai (黎智英) — but how effectively can such criticisms land when Britain has just advertised its economic vulnerability?
The CCP, remember, has a track record of using trade as a lever to pursue geopolitical ends, from Australia to Norway to Lithuania.
Is it even true that Britain has no choice? China is the world’s second-biggest economy and the largest manufacturer, but of far less significance as a trade and investment partner for Britain than the EU or the US. It ranked as the UK’s sixth-largest export market in 2023, accounting for 3.9 percent of the total, according to statistics from the British Department for Business and Trade. The EU, meanwhile, took 41.4 percent of Britain’s exports and the US 21.7 percent. In imports, China was the No. 5 partner, accounting for 6.8 percent of the total, versus 51.5 percent for the EU and 13.2 percent for the US.
China’s economy is expected to be the largest driver of global growth this decade, providing significant opportunities for Britain, Reeves wrote in her Times op-ed. That is also open to question. The country is having its own economic difficulties, weighed down by a property bust and deflationary pressures.
A prominent Chinese economist has been barred from speaking publicly after telling a forum in Washington that the economy might have grown at less than half the roughly 5 percent rate touted by authorities, the Wall Street Journal reported last week.
The argument that trade deals with China are important for the UK government’s commitment to growth is “barely credible,” George Magnus, an independent economist and author of Red Flags: Why Xi’s China is in Jeopardy, wrote in a commentary on Friday last week.
British fascination with the supposed economic riches to be gained from engagement with China has a long pedigree. More often than not, the reality has failed to match the hype.
The “golden era” of former British prime minister David Cameron and his chancellor, George Osborne, came and went, as the CCP’s hostility to the liberal democratic world’s values and security became more apparent. The latest iteration under Reeves is a more sober and pragmatic version that recognizes this changed reality.
Yet the UK still appears to be chasing the chimera.
Matthew Brooker is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering business and infrastructure. Formerly, he was an editor for Bloomberg News and the South China Morning Post. This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has long been expansionist and contemptuous of international law. Under Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平), the CCP regime has become more despotic, coercive and punitive. As part of its strategy to annex Taiwan, Beijing has sought to erase the island democracy’s international identity by bribing countries to sever diplomatic ties with Taipei. One by one, China has peeled away Taiwan’s remaining diplomatic partners, leaving just 12 countries (mostly small developing states) and the Vatican recognizing Taiwan as a sovereign nation. Taiwan’s formal international space has shrunk dramatically. Yet even as Beijing has scored diplomatic successes, its overreach
In her article in Foreign Affairs, “A Perfect Storm for Taiwan in 2026?,” Yun Sun (孫韻), director of the China program at the Stimson Center in Washington, said that the US has grown indifferent to Taiwan, contending that, since it has long been the fear of US intervention — and the Chinese People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) inability to prevail against US forces — that has deterred China from using force against Taiwan, this perceived indifference from the US could lead China to conclude that a window of opportunity for a Taiwan invasion has opened this year. Most notably, she observes that
For Taiwan, the ongoing US and Israeli strikes on Iranian targets are a warning signal: When a major power stretches the boundaries of self-defense, smaller states feel the tremors first. Taiwan’s security rests on two pillars: US deterrence and the credibility of international law. The first deters coercion from China. The second legitimizes Taiwan’s place in the international community. One is material. The other is moral. Both are indispensable. Under the UN Charter, force is lawful only in response to an armed attack or with UN Security Council authorization. Even pre-emptive self-defense — long debated — requires a demonstrably imminent
Since being re-elected, US President Donald Trump has consistently taken concrete action to counter China and to safeguard the interests of the US and other democratic nations. The attacks on Iran, the earlier capture of deposed of Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro and efforts to remove Chinese influence from the Panama Canal all demonstrate that, as tensions with Beijing intensify, Washington has adopted a hardline stance aimed at weakening its power. Iran and Venezuela are important allies and major oil suppliers of China, and the US has effectively decapitated both. The US has continuously strengthened its military presence in the Philippines. Japanese Prime