Just like any other countries in Southeast Asia, Indonesia adheres to the “one China” policy of the People’s Republic of China. This means that Indonesia recognizes the People’s Republic of China as the only legitimate government of China. However, despite this policy, there has been a fostering of relations between Indonesia and Taiwan over the past decade. This noteworthy diplomatic achievement could be attributed to two key factors:
First, the regional achievements of the Taiwanese government’s New Southbound Policy; and second, the willingness of Indonesian government to navigate a delicate balance between its economic and diplomatic interests.
Indonesia’s noteworthy role as a peacemaker within the Asia-Pacific landscape solidifies its standing as a cherished diplomatic partner for Taiwan. A case in point arose in November last year, when Indonesia was poised to host the G20 summit in Bali. Despite mounting pressure from Western nations, particularly Ukraine, Indonesia, under the guidance of President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, took a principled stance against the exclusion of Russia from the summit’s proceedings. Remarkably, Widodo extended an invitation to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy — an unconventional move considering Ukraine is not a member of the G20 yet it underscores Indonesia’s commitment to fostering open dialogue and mutual understanding.
Earlier last year, Widodo marked a milestone by becoming the first Asian leader to traverse both Ukrainian and Russian soil since their conflict erupted. His pivotal mission was that of a peace-broker, striving to mend the divide between these two nations entangled in turmoil. This resolute endeavor showcased Indonesia’s dedication to extending its commitment to peace beyond its own borders.
Indonesia’s peacemaking proclivity also extends to its interactions with China. In the lead-up to the ASEAN-China meeting focused on potentially adopting a code of conduct (COC) for the South China Sea, Indonesian Minister of Foreign Affairs Retno Marsudi orchestrated a proactive step. She arranged a meeting in Jakarta with her Chinese counterpart, former Chinese foreign minister Qin Gang (秦剛), with the intention of hastening discussions concerning the South China Sea COC. This proactive approach further highlights Indonesia’s role as a diplomatic mediator and its commitment to regional stability.
Against the backdrop of escalating tensions surrounding the South China Sea and the Taiwan Strait, Indonesia’s pivotal role is poised to ascend in significance. This is particularly pertinent in light of recent developments, such as the US gaining access to four military bases through a partnership with the Philippines.
In recent years, Beijing has adopted a more assertive and aggressive approach in addressing its territorial concerns. The Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) conducted large-scale military exercises, seemingly aimed at intimidating Taiwan, particularly following significant diplomatic events. These exercises were strategically timed in response to events like the visit of then-US House speaker Nancy Pelosi to Taiwan in August last year and President Tsai Ing-wen’s (蔡英文) person-to-person meeting with US House Speaker Kevin McCarthy in the US. Subsequently, the PLA announced further military drills in April. Despite the absence of direct military confrontation, China has unmistakably demonstrated its resolve to counter the deepening of ties between Taiwan and its diplomatic partners.
In light of this geopolitical uncertainty, it is imperative that Taiwan expand its diplomatic horizons beyond. Indonesia should a prime candidate. Unlike the US, Indonesia does not possess the stature of a great power, potentially rendering China less confrontational to the deepening of Indonesia-Taiwan relations. Moreover, Indonesia’s role as a willing and widely recognized peacemaker could significantly benefit Taiwan, particularly during tumultuous periods. Positioned as a low-risk, high-return diplomatic partner, Indonesia stands out as a stable and cooperative ally in an increasingly unstable region.
Patrick Kurniawan is a master’s student at National Chengchi University.
The gutting of Voice of America (VOA) and Radio Free Asia (RFA) by US President Donald Trump’s administration poses a serious threat to the global voice of freedom, particularly for those living under authoritarian regimes such as China. The US — hailed as the model of liberal democracy — has the moral responsibility to uphold the values it champions. In undermining these institutions, the US risks diminishing its “soft power,” a pivotal pillar of its global influence. VOA Tibetan and RFA Tibetan played an enormous role in promoting the strong image of the US in and outside Tibet. On VOA Tibetan,
Sung Chien-liang (宋建樑), the leader of the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) efforts to recall Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) Legislator Lee Kun-cheng (李坤城), caused a national outrage and drew diplomatic condemnation on Tuesday after he arrived at the New Taipei City District Prosecutors’ Office dressed in a Nazi uniform. Sung performed a Nazi salute and carried a copy of Adolf Hitler’s Mein Kampf as he arrived to be questioned over allegations of signature forgery in the recall petition. The KMT’s response to the incident has shown a striking lack of contrition and decency. Rather than apologizing and distancing itself from Sung’s actions,
US President Trump weighed into the state of America’s semiconductor manufacturing when he declared, “They [Taiwan] stole it from us. They took it from us, and I don’t blame them. I give them credit.” At a prior White House event President Trump hosted TSMC chairman C.C. Wei (魏哲家), head of the world’s largest and most advanced chip manufacturer, to announce a commitment to invest US$100 billion in America. The president then shifted his previously critical rhetoric on Taiwan and put off tariffs on its chips. Now we learn that the Trump Administration is conducting a “trade investigation” on semiconductors which
By now, most of Taiwan has heard Taipei Mayor Chiang Wan-an’s (蔣萬安) threats to initiate a vote of no confidence against the Cabinet. His rationale is that the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)-led government’s investigation into alleged signature forgery in the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) recall campaign constitutes “political persecution.” I sincerely hope he goes through with it. The opposition currently holds a majority in the Legislative Yuan, so the initiation of a no-confidence motion and its passage should be entirely within reach. If Chiang truly believes that the government is overreaching, abusing its power and targeting political opponents — then