As tensions grew between Russia and Ukraine toward the end of last year, with frequent rumors of a possible war, the US and other NATO countries during mediations with Russia gave the impression that they might intervene militarily, and threatened to impose economic and trade sanctions.
However, they could not quell Russian President Vladimir Putin’s ambition or prevent the flames of war.
As the war progresses after the failure of diplomatic and economic sanctions, these countries seem to have drawn back from the idea of armed intervention.
Consequently, Taiwan, which is in a similar situation to Ukraine, has suddenly become a focus worldwide, and even the second-most popular search term on Twitter.
On Thursday, just as war between Russia and Ukraine broke out, the Taipei Forum held a seminar on Taiwan’s security.
Speaking at the event, former National Security Bureau director-general Tsai Der-sheng (蔡得勝) said that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is to hold its 20th National Congress in autumn.
Maintaining stability is currently more important to the CCP than maintaining sovereignty, so the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is unlikely to cause any trouble before or immediately after the congress, he said.
Although this conclusion is based on various sources of information, in light of the forecasts and the reactions of the US and other NATO countries to the situation in Ukraine, could the assumption that the PLA does not plan to intrude on Taiwan before the congress be equally wrong?
Given the existence of opposition to Chinese President and CCP General Secretary Xi Jinping (習近平) within the CCP, if the 20th National Congress signifies Xi’s final deployment of power, he might use such means as “unifying with Taiwan by force” to smoothly achieve his goals at the congress. By “maintaining sovereignty” to support his aim of “maintaining stability,” he might put himself in a more favorable strategic position.
At a time when other countries are fretting over the situation in Ukraine, there is no guarantee that the CCP will not use the opportunity to take a risk.
Although there are geographical and other differences between the Russia-Ukraine situation and that which exists across the Taiwan Strait, in both cases a major power is using its military might to threaten a weaker opponent.
Taiwan should neither put its security in the hands of outsiders, nor believe that it is safe. Rather, it should be prepared for war and not let its guard down in the face of the enemy.
As Taiwan specialist Ryan Hass wrote in the Taipei Times, Taiwan must strengthen its political unity and national security to counter the fatalism that Beijing aims to induce (“Ryan Hass On Taiwan: Learning the right lessons from Ukraine for Taiwan,” Feb. 21, page 8).
In early 1941, before then-US president Franklin Roosevelt intervened in World War II, he proposed the Lend-Lease Act to help countries resisting the Axis powers to fight their common enemy — a decision that had far-reaching effects.
Now that war has broken out between Russia and Ukraine, let us hope that the US, Japan and other countries do something more effective for security in the Taiwan Strait to help Taiwan resist the threat from communist China.
Sung Chi-cheng is an assistant professor at Shih Hsin University’s Center for General Education and a former colonel instructor at the National Defense University’s War College.
Translated by Julian Clegg
The conflict in the Middle East has been disrupting financial markets, raising concerns about rising inflationary pressures and global economic growth. One market that some investors are particularly worried about has not been heavily covered in the news: the private credit market. Even before the joint US-Israeli attacks on Iran on Feb. 28, global capital markets had faced growing structural pressure — the deteriorating funding conditions in the private credit market. The private credit market is where companies borrow funds directly from nonbank financial institutions such as asset management companies, insurance companies and private lending platforms. Its popularity has risen since
The Donald Trump administration’s approach to China broadly, and to cross-Strait relations in particular, remains a conundrum. The 2025 US National Security Strategy prioritized the defense of Taiwan in a way that surprised some observers of the Trump administration: “Deterring a conflict over Taiwan, ideally by preserving military overmatch, is a priority.” Two months later, Taiwan went entirely unmentioned in the US National Defense Strategy, as did military overmatch vis-a-vis China, giving renewed cause for concern. How to interpret these varying statements remains an open question. In both documents, the Indo-Pacific is listed as a second priority behind homeland defense and
Every analyst watching Iran’s succession crisis is asking who would replace supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Yet, the real question is whether China has learned enough from the Persian Gulf to survive a war over Taiwan. Beijing purchases roughly 90 percent of Iran’s exported crude — some 1.61 million barrels per day last year — and holds a US$400 billion, 25-year cooperation agreement binding it to Tehran’s stability. However, this is not simply the story of a patron protecting an investment. China has spent years engineering a sanctions-evasion architecture that was never really about Iran — it was about Taiwan. The
In an op-ed published in Foreign Affairs on Tuesday, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) said that Taiwan should not have to choose between aligning with Beijing or Washington, and advocated for cooperation with Beijing under the so-called “1992 consensus” as a form of “strategic ambiguity.” However, Cheng has either misunderstood the geopolitical reality and chosen appeasement, or is trying to fool an international audience with her doublespeak; nonetheless, it risks sending the wrong message to Taiwan’s democratic allies and partners. Cheng stressed that “Taiwan does not have to choose,” as while Beijing and Washington compete, Taiwan is strongest when