Colombians are close to bringing to an end the oldest and only remaining armed conflict in the western hemisphere. After more than five years of negotiations with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), we can say that we have reached an irreversible phase that will put an end to more than 50 years of a cruel and costly war.
All of my predecessors over the past five decades attempted to make peace with the FARC, the largest and oldest guerrilla army to have emerged in Latin America. They all failed. So why has this peace process proved successful?
Above all, this has been a well-planned and carefully executed process that began when we achieved certain conditions. First, we had to change the correlation of military forces in favor of the Colombian state. Second, we had to convince the FARC’s leaders that it was in their own personal interest to enter serious negotiations and that they would never achieve their objectives through violence and guerrilla warfare.
Last, but not least, we implemented a radical change in our foreign policy, which led to an improvement in our relations with our neighbors and the rest of the region. This facilitated their support of our initiative and thus the beginning of the peace process.
We started secret negotiations about four years ago to establish a limited and focused agenda and clear rules of procedure (the absence of which was a major stumbling block in previous negotiations) that would allow us — assuming we reach an agreement — to end the conflict. This was the first time that the FARC had agreed to such a process.
The outcome of this phase was a five-point agenda: rural development, political participation, drug trafficking, victims and transitional justice, and lastly the end of the conflict, which includes disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration — commonly known as DDR.
Following the signing of a framework agreement in Oslo, Norway, in October 2012, we began the public phase of negotiations in Cuba. The host country and Norway acted as guarantors, while Venezuela and Chile have accompanied the process. Later on, the US and the EU appointed special envoys to the talks.
From the start, a basic rule of the negotiations has been that nothing is agreed until everything is agreed. To date, we have settled all items except DDR. To avoid past mistakes, we studied why previous peace negotiations in Colombia had failed, as well as lessons from peace negotiations elsewhere.
We also selected a group of international advisers with hands-on experience in peacemaking to help us navigate through the difficult waters of this process. I can now say that making peace is much, much more difficult than waging war, and I have done both extensively as Colombia’s minister of defense and now as president.
This peace process is groundbreaking in several ways. We have placed victims — more than 7.5 million in our case — and a comprehensive system to guarantee their rights at the center of the solution to the conflict. We have also agreed to create a special jurisdiction and tribunal to guarantee that those responsible for international war crimes are investigated, judged and condemned as stipulated in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. This is the first time that a guerrilla movement has agreed to disarm and be subject to transitional justice.
Peace in Colombia will bring real benefits to a world rife with armed conflicts and longing for a success story. Despite being the country that has paid the highest cost in the war on drugs — a war that has proven impossible to win — we are still the world’s leading exporter of cocaine. This unpalatable fact is due mainly to the guerrillas, who have continued to protect their main source of income.
Peace will change this, because the FARC has agreed to help in the substitution of legal crops for coca production. Without the threat of attack by the guerrillas, our brave soldiers, policemen and civilian eradicators can do their job without the threat of snipers or landmines.
In terms of the environment, the amount of oil spilled into our rivers and oceans by terrorist attacks on our pipelines is calculated to be more than 4 million barrels over the past two decades. That is equivalent to 14 times the volume spilled by the Exxon Valdez. Furthermore, in a country that has the richest biodiversity in the world per square kilometer, close to 4.4 million hectares of rainforest have been destroyed because of the conflict. All this can be stopped — and, I hope, reversed — with the end of the conflict.
That is why we Colombians have been fortunate to count on the support of the region and the world. Today, there is not a single country that does not back our peace process. Proof of this was the resolution submitted to the UN Security Council, which unanimously approved an international mission to verify and monitor DDR.
Despite traditional spoilers, mostly of an internal nature, many of whom oppose the process for political reasons, I am confident that we will put this conflict where it belongs — in the history books. Reshaping the reality around us is our duty to future generations. When we reach an agreement, when we stop killing one another after a half-century of war, we will remove a heavy burden that has stalled our progress and finally enjoy the opportunity to write a new chapter of prosperity and modernity for our country.
Juan Manuel Santos is president of the Republic of Colombia and the winner of the 2016 Nobel Peace Prize.
Copyright: Project Syndicate
From the Iran war and nuclear weapons to tariffs and artificial intelligence, the agenda for this week’s Beijing summit between US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) is packed. Xi would almost certainly bring up Taiwan, if only to demonstrate his inflexibility on the matter. However, no one needs to meet with Xi face-to-face to understand his stance. A visit to the National Museum of China in Beijing — in particular, the “Road to Rejuvenation” exhibition, which chronicles the rise and rule of the Chinese Communist Party — might be even more revealing. Xi took the members
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) on Friday used their legislative majority to push their version of a special defense budget bill to fund the purchase of US military equipment, with the combined spending capped at NT$780 billion (US$24.78 billion). The bill, which fell short of the Executive Yuan’s NT$1.25 trillion request, was passed by a 59-0 margin with 48 abstentions in the 113-seat legislature. KMT Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文), who reportedly met with TPP Chairman Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌) for a private meeting before holding a joint post-vote news conference, was said to have mobilized her
The inter-Korean relationship, long defined by national division, offers the clearest mirror within East Asia for cross-strait relations. Yet even there, reunification language is breaking down. The South Korean government disclosed on Wednesday last week that North Korea’s constitutional revision in March had deleted references to reunification and added a territorial clause defining its border with South Korea. South Korea is also seriously debating whether national reunification with North Korea is still necessary. On April 27, South Korean President Lee Jae-myung marked the eighth anniversary of the Panmunjom Declaration, the 2018 inter-Korean agreement in which the two Koreas pledged to
As artificial intelligence (AI) becomes increasingly widespread in workplaces, some people stand to benefit from the technology while others face lower wages and fewer job opportunities. However, from a longer-term perspective, as AI is applied more extensively to business operations, the personnel issue is not just about changes in job opportunities, but also about a structural mismatch between skills and demand. This is precisely the most pressing issue in the current labor market. Tai Wei-chun (戴偉峻), director-general of the Institute of Artificial Intelligence Innovation at the Institute for Information Industry, said in a recent interview with the Chinese-language Liberty Times