Mon, Jul 16, 2001 page8

• Tung's performance pleases CCP

  • By Paul Lin 林保華
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  July 1 was the fourth anniversary of Hong Kong's handover to China. Beijing did not send any leaders to the celebrations, perhaps because Hong Kong's political, economic and social chaos have made Beijing lose interest in Hong Kong. But Tung Chee-hwa (董建華), Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, did manage to create an uproar among Hong Kongers, causing them to view the "old muddlehead" with new eyes.

  Since 1997, Tung has issued various Bauhinia medals to individuals on July 1 every year for their meritorious service to the community. The highest among those honors is the Grand Bauhinia Medal. Recipients in 1997 included the most famous of Hong Kong's "patriots," such as Ann Tse-kai ( 安子介), former vice chairman of the national committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference.

  This year, the most controversial awardee was a man by the name of Yeung Kwong (楊光), who at 75 is a precious, newly unearthed historical relic. Younger Hong Kongers will not be familiar with Yeung, but 35 years ago he was the man of the hour. At that time, echoing the unprecedented Great Proletariat Cultural Revolution (文化大革命), Hong Kong's left-wingers launched a series of disturbances, their support base rooted in the Hong Kong Federation of Trade Unions (FTU, 工聯會). Yeung was president of the FTU at the time, and became the director of the "struggle committee" (鬥委會) behind all the disturbances.

  During the disturbances, which occurred between May and October of 1967, large posters denouncing British imperialism were put up at the gate of the Hong Kong Government House. Bombs were also planted all over the city, creating a wave of terror. Though on the surface it appeared as if the leftists claimed to be launching an "anti-British" uprising under the banner of "nationalism," the majority of their victims were Chinese. True, bombs carried the written message "Compatriots stay back," but then again, bombs don't have eyes.

  According to statistics, between 5,000 and 8,000 bombs, either real or fake, were planted around the city. In all, about 50 people died (including 11 thugs), and over 800 people were injured. Lam Bun (林彬), a well-known presenter on Hong Kong Commercial Radio, frequently received threatening letters because of the sarcastic manner in which he lashed out at the disturbances caused by these "patriots." Finally, on Aug. 24, as Lam was leaving his home to go to work, a revolutionary thug threw a gasoline bomb into Lam's car, burning him to death.

  Through a collection drive launched by citizens all over Hong Kong, and with assistance by prominent businessman Ho Cho-chee (何佐芝), Lam's 24 year-old wife -- who had wept herself in and out of consciousness -- was able to take their three daughters to Taiwan, an anti-communist bastion. Later the family immigrated to Toronto, leaving painful reminders of this region behind. Lam's wife eventually moved again, to France.

  This year, by conferring a medal to Yeung, Tung has managed to rub salt into painful wounds that the widow had kept concealed for 34 years. She was shocked and frightened to receive a reporter's phone call asking for an interview. I hope that no more journalists ever bother her again.

  Lam's death -- and the general turmoil caused by the "struggle committee" -- intensified anti-communist sentiment among residents, giving rise to an extremely contemptuous attitude toward "leftists." Graduates from leftist schools were called "Red Guards" and had difficulty finding jobs. Good at struggle but lacking in skills, many of these students had to settle for low-paying salaries at Beijing-invested organizations, and gradually turned against Hong Kong society.

  Nowadays, at the city forum sponsored by Radio Television Hong Kong (RTHK, 香港電臺) held in Victoria Park every Sunday, a group of old people habitually hurl verbal abuse at special guests representing the Democratic Party. These old hecklers are quick to use terms like "traitor," and will even get into fistfights to push their point. Known as the "Uncles of Victoria Park," they are the same people who participated in the disturbances of 1967.

  According to the recollections of those who led the 1967 riots, leftist thinking was not the only reason for launching the riots. Another significant factor was that high-ranking officials at the Xinhua News Agency (新華社) were worried that they would be considered "capitalist roaders" and recalled to China to be "struggled." These officials thus took the initiative and launched the riots in order to show they were "revolutionary" and "patriotic," figuring that if they led the movement in Hong Kong, they could avoid being transferred back to China.

  After the Cultural Revolution, Beijing rejected the merits of the Hong Kong riots. A replacement was found for Xinhua's head Liang Weilin (梁威林). Yeung Kwong resigned from his post as consultant to the FTU, and basically disappeared from the public eye. Even Zhou Nan (周南), Xinhua's extreme-leftist director, didn't dare give Yeung a job.

  Tung Chee-hwa's most recent move -- expressing official approval of Yeung's efforts and achievements during the "red era" -- has caused the specter of the Cultural Revolution to loom above Hong Kong once again, but the issue has also invited intense criticism from both Hong Kong's people and the media. Except for party newspapers and "patriotic" camps -- especially those who participated in the disturbances under Yeung and now comprise the new dynasty of Chinese officials in Hong Kong -- the media has come out almost entirely against Tung, putting the chief administrator in a completely awkward position.

  Some say that Tung's actions were calculated to rein in the leftist vote, while others say that it was just plain ineptitude. Both of these opinions miss the point. Because Chinese President Jiang Zemin (江澤民) supports Tung, the chief administrator's job could not but belong to Tung.

  Look again at Tung's gradually stepped-up attack on Falun Gong, in which he floated certain statements in the media as preparation for later actions. During this year's ceremonies, Tung played a kind of equalizing game by also giving a comparatively smaller medal to Yeung's adversary, Ho Cho-chee. Tung is far from being inept -- what better gift for the Communist Party's 80th anniversary celebrations.

  In order to celebrate its founding, the Chinese Communist Party early on gave the order that no articles criticizing Mao Zedong (毛澤東) or the Cultural Revolution should appear. Tung thoroughly understood that, and decided that it would be better to simply rehabilitate those who took part in the Cultural Revolution. At the sixth plenary session of the 12th CCP Central Committee (中共十二屆六中全會), Mao was criticized for certain actions made late in his life, and the Cultural Revolution was rejected. It is therefore inconvenient for Jiang to call for a reversal of the verdict regarding the Cultural Revolution. But when Tung does the deed on Jiang's behalf -- practicing "one country, two systems" in the process -- now that is truly ingenious. After this service, Tung could be promoted to become Jiang's most trusted subordinate.

  What is the CCP's attitude toward Tung's great performance? First, Beijing won't interfere in Hong Kong's high-level autonomy. Second, even though Beijing rejects the Cultural Revolution, Hong Kong can completely approve of it -- it's "one country, two systems" in the flesh.

  Paul Lin is a political commentator based in New York.

  Translated by Scudder Smith
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