Sergey Brin wanted to test a job applicant, so he gave her a snap assignment, writes Ken Auletta in his new book, Googled.
“I need you to draw me a contract,” the Google Inc cofounder told the Harvard Law graduate. “I need the contract to be for me to sell my soul to the devil.”
As far as I know, Brin never signed that satanic bargain. Yet the anecdote reflects a question at the core of Auletta’s thoughtful inside look at the engineers who say “don’t be evil” even as they upend what he calls the world as we know it.
Is Google, the owner of the world’s favorite search engine, a force for good — or for ill? Is it a friend to the fourth estate, on which democracy depends, or an enemy?
The answer found in this journey through Google’s history of breakthroughs, boundless ambitions and free massages on its campus in Mountain View, California, can be summed up in a word used by advertising executive Martin Sorrell: Google is a “frenemy” — neither a friend nor an enemy “but a rival power to guard against,” as the author puts it.
Auletta, who writes the Annals of Communications column for the New Yorker, says he spent two-and-a-half years reporting this, his 11th book. Granted extensive access to the company’s founders and executives, he emerged with an account that neither idolizes nor demonizes the cash machine it has become.
“Making money is not a dirty goal; nor is it a philanthropic activity,” he writes. “Any company with Google’s power needs to be scrutinized.”
Yet he also “came away impatient with companies that spend too much time whining about Google and too little time devising an offense.” Most established media companies, he says, “were inexcusably slow to wake to the digital disruption.”
It’s hard not to bellyache about an opponent who piggybacks on your content. Google vacuums up more than US$20 billion a year in revenue — 97 percent of it from advertising — even as newspaper circulation slides, network television viewing erodes, and movie studios and book publishers look besieged.
Much of the material in Googled will be familiar to investors who’ve tracked the company’s ascent. For those less familiar with the story, Auletta traces the full arc — from the days when Brin and Larry Page hogged Stanford University’s computer system while creating the engine they originally called BackRub to Google’s initial public offering in 2004, which produced more than 900 Google millionaires, including the company’s first masseuse, he writes.
The IPO also marked the moment when content producers learned how much money the upstart was making at their expense.
“The evidence was now visible that Google was attracting more Internet advertising than anyone else, and these dollars were being siphoned from traditional media,” we read.
Auletta makes the case that Google’s clashes with media companies and advocates of privacy protection often reflect the mindset of its engineers: “They naively believe that most mysteries, including the mysteries of human behavior, are unlocked with data,” he says.
Many media executives quoted here question that. One is Tom Curley, chief executive officer of the Associated Press, which claimed Google was commoditizing AP content and demanded a license agreement, Auletta says.
“No, there is nothing naive about these guys,” Curley tells Auletta. “They are taking everybody else’s work and they are figuring out how to do a deal with most other people in which heads, they win, and tails, most everyone else loses.”
Yet “old media” can’t blame Google alone for the digital devastation, Auletta reminds us. Craig Newmark, for one, didn’t set out to swamp newspapers when he started craigslist.org, a site where people post job openings, apartments for rent, goods for sale and more. Only later was it clear how this ate into newspapers’ classified sections, which generated about a third of their advertising revenue, Auletta says.
The author works hard — sometimes too hard — to tell both sides of the story, making a vital contribution to the debate as Google continues to expand into other media, from books to telephones. There’s Google News, Google Earth, Google Maps, Google Videos, Google Docs — the list goes on and on.
Auletta also offers a tip to anyone eager to protect his or her privacy: You can “opt out” of allowing Google advertising cookies to track you by clicking on the word “Privacy” at the bottom of the engine’s home page and following the instructions.
I did so immediately. There will be no Google Me.
From the last quarter of 2001, research shows that real housing prices nearly tripled (before a 2012 law to enforce housing price registration, researchers tracked a few large real estate firms to estimate housing price behavior). Incomes have not kept pace, though this has not yet led to defaults. Instead, an increasing chunk of household income goes to mortgage payments. This suggests that even if incomes grow, the mortgage squeeze will still make voters feel like their paychecks won’t stretch to cover expenses. The housing price rises in the last two decades are now driving higher rents. The rental market
July 21 to July 27 If the “Taiwan Independence Association” (TIA) incident had happened four years earlier, it probably wouldn’t have caused much of an uproar. But the arrest of four young suspected independence activists in the early hours of May 9, 1991, sparked outrage, with many denouncing it as a return to the White Terror — a time when anyone could be detained for suspected seditious activity. Not only had martial law been lifted in 1987, just days earlier on May 1, the government had abolished the Temporary Provisions Effective During the Period of National Mobilization for Suppression of the Communist
When life gives you trees, make paper. That was one of the first thoughts to cross my mind as I explored what’s now called Chung Hsing Cultural and Creative Park (中興文化創意園區, CHCCP) in Yilan County’s Wujie Township (五結). Northeast Taiwan boasts an abundance of forest resources. Yilan County is home to both Taipingshan National Forest Recreation Area (太平山國家森林遊樂區) — by far the largest reserve of its kind in the country — and Makauy Ecological Park (馬告生態園區, see “Towering trees and a tranquil lake” in the May 13, 2022 edition of this newspaper). So it was inevitable that industrial-scale paper making would
Hualien lawmaker Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) is the prime target of the recall campaigns. They want to bring him and everything he represents crashing down. This is an existential test for Fu and a critical symbolic test for the campaigners. It is also a crucial test for both the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and a personal one for party Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫). Why is Fu such a lightning rod? LOCAL LORD At the dawn of the 2020s, Fu, running as an independent candidate, beat incumbent Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) lawmaker Hsiao Bi-khim (蕭美琴) and a KMT candidate to return to the legislature representing