According to Constitutional Interpretation No. 627, it is the right of the president to appoint the premier. After today’s election, the most important issue would be the peaceful transition of presidential powers.
A peaceful transfer involves whether President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) administration would step down ahead of time and how well the legislature would follow through on its oversight function.
Following the 2012 presidential and legislative elections, Ma said on several occasions that his second term in office began on the next day, and on Feb. 6, 2012, he appointed Sean Chen premier. Based on the principles of sincerity and credibility, Ma’s term in office should end today. The Ma administration should promptly hand over power, according to fundamental constitutional and democratic principles established in Constitutional Interpretation No. 499. This would decrease the period between the election and the transition of power and minimize political upheaval.
After a new legislature assembles on Feb. 1, Vice President Wu Den-yih (吳敦義) should resign and Ma should nominate a candidate to be appointed by the legislature as the next vice president to remain in office until May 20, the constitutionally stipulated end of the presidential term. Once the vice president has been appointed, Ma should resign and the vice president should assume presidential duties until May 20, as per the Constitution.
If Ma wants to set a precedent, he could follow this procedure and, in addition, nominate the president-elect as vice president, who would then be appointed president when Ma steps down.
The president would then appoint a premier based on public opinion as represented by the legislature.
A second scenario is that the Ma administration does not hand over power to the new government ahead of time. In that case, it would be difficult to find a caretaker president who would be accepted both by the outgoing and incoming governments. Appointing a new Cabinet for only three months would also create uncertainty.
A third scenario is that Ma and Wu do not resign, but that Ma appoints a premier nominated by the president-elect. This would result in a lack of transparency and sincerity between the outgoing and incoming governments. The situation under former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) and former premier Hau Pei-tsun (郝柏村) comes to mind. This would be even worse than a fourth scenario, which is that the new legislature oversees the transition of power from Ma to the new president.
If the third scenario were to be realized, who would have the final say if the new premier and the outgoing president clash over policies?
According to Constitutional Interpretation No. 627, the outgoing president remains commander-in-chief and retains the right to promulgate new legislation, conclude agreements, declare war and sign peace treaties. These rights overlap with the rights of the premier during the transition period and it is an issue that is unlikely to be resolved in just three months.
Regardless of which of these four scenarios is realized, the next legislature should draft a presidential transition act.
The legislature should establish a committee dedicated to overseeing government actions, and use its powers to review the budget, make decisions on treaties and agreements — in accordance with Constitutional interpretations No. 329 and No. 520 — and oversee laws and regulations to guarantee a peaceful transition of power in accordance with the Act Governing the Legislature’s Exercise of Power (立法院職權行使法).
Chen In-chin is a professor at National Central University’s Graduate Institute of Law and Government.
Translated by Perry Svensson
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) Chairman Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌) is expected to be summoned by the Taipei City Police Department after a rally in Taipei on Saturday last week resulted in injuries to eight police officers. The Ministry of the Interior on Sunday said that police had collected evidence of obstruction of public officials and coercion by an estimated 1,000 “disorderly” demonstrators. The rally — led by Huang to mark one year since a raid by Taipei prosecutors on then-TPP chairman and former Taipei mayor Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) — might have contravened the Assembly and Parade Act (集會遊行法), as the organizers had
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days. On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power. Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several