Since the Taiwan Association of University Professors (TAUP) was established in 1990, it has promoted the writing of a new constitution, published a white paper titled Peaceful Coexistence: Two Countries, Two Systems as well as books such as A Look at Primary School Textbooks. It has become a representative of Taiwanese society.
The association published About Lee Teng-hui ahead of Taiwan's first direct presidential election in 1996, About James Soong for the 2000 presidential election and Words and actions of Lien and Soong for the 2004 poll. I dare not presume that these publications had any influence on the elections, but we chose to give our opinion because we care deeply about the future of Taiwan and feel this is the responsibility of intellectuals.
We planned a similar book for next year's presidential election about Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) candidate Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九). Before this year's summer vacation, TAUP chairman Tsai Ting-kuei (蔡丁貴) invited political commentators Ruan Ming (阮銘), Paul Lin (林保華) and some of the senior association members to form an editorial committee. I was to be chief editor. My original idea was to name the book "A Close Look at Ma Ying-jeou," and let each contributor write an article according to their specialty and interest.
But soon summer was over, and little progress had been made. Therefore it was decided that we should compile published articles done by each contributor and the result was the current book. The editors thought that although "a close look" was a good term, "explained" was more direct and sounded better when read out in Taiwanese. I agreed that Ma Ying-jeou Explained was a better title.
The "Ma Ying-jeou phenomenon" that has played out on the political stage for 10 years now is certainly something worthy of recording and researching. It goes back to the 1990s, when the KMT half-willingly cooperated with the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and put up a show of democratization.
But localization caused the KMT to split and then to lose power in the 2000 election. After that, then KMT chairman Lien Chan (連戰) and Ma returned to the party's roots and embraced China's ideology. Not only did the KMT use its legislative majority and local political power to boycott the pro-localization government, it wants to use Ma's charisma to "align itself with Taiwan to be able to keep China" in its relentless attempt to regain power.
Although the DPP has done a lot of questionable things over the past seven or eight years, in the end it is still on the road to normalization of the country. If "son of the party-state" Ma gets elected, there will be a great many detours on this road, and Taiwan might even start down a path of no return.
Ma has always been against Taiwanese independence and an anti-communist; he has been loyal to the old values that the Republic of China represented. Today, his anti-communism has turned into a pro-China attitude, and some events in his background have still not been cleared up.
Media reporting about him was slanted in the past, giving him an image of being perfect, with a little mystery thrown in. The TAUP's book will help everyone see Ma in a clearer light.
Chen Yi-shen is an associate research fellow at the Institute of Modern History at Academia Sinica.
Translated by Anna Stiggelbout
Wherever one looks, the United States is ceding ground to China. From foreign aid to foreign trade, and from reorganizations to organizational guidance, the Trump administration has embarked on a stunning effort to hobble itself in grappling with what his own secretary of state calls “the most potent and dangerous near-peer adversary this nation has ever confronted.” The problems start at the Department of State. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has asserted that “it’s not normal for the world to simply have a unipolar power” and that the world has returned to multipolarity, with “multi-great powers in different parts of the
President William Lai (賴清德) recently attended an event in Taipei marking the end of World War II in Europe, emphasizing in his speech: “Using force to invade another country is an unjust act and will ultimately fail.” In just a few words, he captured the core values of the postwar international order and reminded us again: History is not just for reflection, but serves as a warning for the present. From a broad historical perspective, his statement carries weight. For centuries, international relations operated under the law of the jungle — where the strong dominated and the weak were constrained. That
The Executive Yuan recently revised a page of its Web site on ethnic groups in Taiwan, replacing the term “Han” (漢族) with “the rest of the population.” The page, which was updated on March 24, describes the composition of Taiwan’s registered households as indigenous (2.5 percent), foreign origin (1.2 percent) and the rest of the population (96.2 percent). The change was picked up by a social media user and amplified by local media, sparking heated discussion over the weekend. The pan-blue and pro-China camp called it a politically motivated desinicization attempt to obscure the Han Chinese ethnicity of most Taiwanese.
The Legislative Yuan passed an amendment on Friday last week to add four national holidays and make Workers’ Day a national holiday for all sectors — a move referred to as “four plus one.” The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), who used their combined legislative majority to push the bill through its third reading, claim the holidays were chosen based on their inherent significance and social relevance. However, in passing the amendment, they have stuck to the traditional mindset of taking a holiday just for the sake of it, failing to make good use of