Motorists are really feeling the pinch. With global crude oil prices reaching more than US$90 per barrel last month and topping US$96 last week, fuel prices are being felt worldwide.
After price hikes on Friday, Formosa Petrochemical Corp's (FPC) and CPC Corp, Taiwan's (CPC) product prices are now more than NT$30 a liter.
This situation is not just a matter of how serious inflationary concerns will become, but is a reminder of why sufficient competition is badly needed in the nation's gasoline retail market.
So far this year, domestic gasoline and diesel oil prices have risen by 11.5 percent and 16 percent year-on-year after the state-run CPC raised prices 17 times and cut them 13 times.
According to a Citigroup forecast, an increase of US$10 per barrel in global crude oil prices could push Taiwan's consumer price index (CPI) growth rate up by 0.5 percentage points. At the same time, it would undercut the nation's private consumption growth rate by 0.6 percentage points and trim the economic growth rate by 0.2 percentage points.
Keeping in mind such potential consequences, it is understandable why the government would try hard to prevent CPC from significantly raising prices. The government can do so as long as the state-owned company can serve as an important tool to help stabilize commodity prices.
It is regretful, however, that surging fuel prices has also become a political debate ahead of next year's legislative and presidential elections, with politicians from both sides making a huge fuss over whether to shelve the floating pricing mechanism and freeze fuel prices.
But a key question is how long will the public accept the two refiners' price-fixing. CPC and FPC have allegedly colluded in a market that has basically become a duopoly since the withdrawal of ExxonMobil Corp from Taiwan in 2003.
When ExxonMobil joined the retail business through Esso Petroleum Taiwan in 2002, it provided brief but real competition. The government began to liberalize the retail market in 2000, allowing competition and imposing taxes on petroleum products. But the high tariffs on imported oil products and high security stockpiles required by the authorities led ExxonMobil to pull out of the market.
To break the dominance of CPC and FPC, the government and the legislature have to amend the Petroleum Management Law (
Democratic Progressive Party presidential candidate Frank Hsieh's (
The real question is whether the government and the legislature understand the CPC-FPC duopoly and are willing and able to construct a more competitive market?
The conflict in the Middle East has been disrupting financial markets, raising concerns about rising inflationary pressures and global economic growth. One market that some investors are particularly worried about has not been heavily covered in the news: the private credit market. Even before the joint US-Israeli attacks on Iran on Feb. 28, global capital markets had faced growing structural pressure — the deteriorating funding conditions in the private credit market. The private credit market is where companies borrow funds directly from nonbank financial institutions such as asset management companies, insurance companies and private lending platforms. Its popularity has risen since
The Donald Trump administration’s approach to China broadly, and to cross-Strait relations in particular, remains a conundrum. The 2025 US National Security Strategy prioritized the defense of Taiwan in a way that surprised some observers of the Trump administration: “Deterring a conflict over Taiwan, ideally by preserving military overmatch, is a priority.” Two months later, Taiwan went entirely unmentioned in the US National Defense Strategy, as did military overmatch vis-a-vis China, giving renewed cause for concern. How to interpret these varying statements remains an open question. In both documents, the Indo-Pacific is listed as a second priority behind homeland defense and
Every analyst watching Iran’s succession crisis is asking who would replace supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Yet, the real question is whether China has learned enough from the Persian Gulf to survive a war over Taiwan. Beijing purchases roughly 90 percent of Iran’s exported crude — some 1.61 million barrels per day last year — and holds a US$400 billion, 25-year cooperation agreement binding it to Tehran’s stability. However, this is not simply the story of a patron protecting an investment. China has spent years engineering a sanctions-evasion architecture that was never really about Iran — it was about Taiwan. The
In an op-ed published in Foreign Affairs on Tuesday, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) said that Taiwan should not have to choose between aligning with Beijing or Washington, and advocated for cooperation with Beijing under the so-called “1992 consensus” as a form of “strategic ambiguity.” However, Cheng has either misunderstood the geopolitical reality and chosen appeasement, or is trying to fool an international audience with her doublespeak; nonetheless, it risks sending the wrong message to Taiwan’s democratic allies and partners. Cheng stressed that “Taiwan does not have to choose,” as while Beijing and Washington compete, Taiwan is strongest when