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Chen must control cross-strait relations

In recent statements, Mainland Affairs Council Chairman Joseph Wu (吳釗燮) said that the 10-point agreement between the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is "totally empty," and "contains hidden traps that could destroy Taiwan." Is the agreement and its potential consequences really that serious?

What does bear consideration is that each and every one of the points in the agreement are things the government should do for the people of Taiwan, but has failed to do so.

The Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) administration has taken a magnifying glass to the KMT delegation led by party Vice Chairman Chiang Pin-kun (江丙坤) in an effort to find evidence of a crime. Chiang has been accused of paying homage or surrendering to China, of being a traitor and of breaking the law. What nobody has asked is: What will the government do now that the delegation has returned?

As a result of the negotiations between the KMT and the CCP, the cross-strait situation has certainly changed. With both KMT Chairman Lien Chan (連戰) and People First Party Chairman James Soong (宋楚瑜) planning to visit China in the not-too-distant future, the cross-strait relationship will certainly change even more.

As the government cannot stop these things from happening, nor stop the changes in the cross-strait situation, they should take control of them. They shouldn't be wasting their time just being critical.

If the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) wants to win back control over cross-strait policy, it is really not that difficult. For example, Chen could hold discussions with all party leaders on cross-strait policy, or simply talk to Lien and Soong before they leave for China. Even if they should refuse to attend discussions with the president, the fault would not lie with Chen. Moreover, by extending an invitation, Chen could show everyone that he is still in charge of cross-strait matters.

If a meeting of political leaders does not happen, the DPP can bring the discussions down a level, suggesting a meeting of party officials responsible for cross-strait affairs. If this too does not take place, the DPP might suggest to affiliated think tanks that a symposium be organized with groups associated with the opposition parties.

By bringing different opinions together, a report presenting policy recommendations can be produced. If the opposition parties or their affiliated think tanks refuse to cooperate, the public will be critical; whoever takes charge of integrating divergent views on cross-strait relations will take the leading role in directing the relationship. Once the DPP takes the initiative, it will be in an advantageous position.

As president, Chen can also call a national security or other high-level conference and publish its findings, after which he could publicly invite China to engage in negotiations on these issues. If Beijing should refuse, all the world would see China for what it really is. Chen would also gain credibility as a national leader who transcends party boundaries.

But there are two pre-conditions for this. First, such talks should be called soon, prior to Lien's or Soong's China visit. Secondly, they must be initiated by the president, so that their impact will be both domestic and international. Only if the president makes a move will the DPP be able to win back control over cross-strait policy.

I am afraid that the DPP will fail to act, isolating itself from new trends in the cross-strait process and watching helplessly as opposition politicians visit China, only able to utter meaningless criticisms similar to those made by Wu.

Wang Chien-chuang is the president of The Journalist magazine.

Translated by Ian Bartholomew
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