The huge turnout of over 80,000 people at the June 4 candlelight vigil in Victoria Park last week was the Hong Kong people's response to the central government's decision to tighten control over the Special Administrative Region. Many people attended the vigil because they could not forget or forgive the Tiananmen massacre, but many more took part because they defiantly regarded it as a sign of protest against diminishing freedom in the territory.
Just hours before the vigil, I attended a forum in Victoria Park to discuss Tiananmen and constitutional reforms in Hong Kong. One member of the audience said the next time people march to the Central Government's Liaison Office in the Western district to protest, instead of urging the crowd to disperse right away, the organizers should direct demonstrators to stage a two-hour sit-in. He said the objective would be to strengthen the protesters' demands.
Since Beijing decided in April to rule out direct elections in Hong Kong in 2007 and 2008, the political atmosphere has become very tense. Apart from banning democratic elections, the central authorities also want Hong Kong people not to march on July 1 and not to vote for pro-democracy politicians in the Legislative Council election on Sept. 12.
Beijing's high-handed decision has filled many Hong Kong people with revulsion and despair; hence some people are pressing for a more radical form of protest. I do agree that Hong Kong should send a strong message to Beijing about the people's determination to preserve freedom and to fight for democracy. However, we should not resort to measures that would paralyze traffic or create huge inconveniences. Last July the people showed that they were prepared to stand up for their rights, and hundreds of thousands of people are expected to march again on July 1 this year.
However, some people may stay away if there are signs of violence or disturbance. Last year when more than half a million people marched in scorching heat, there was not a single incident. Such responsibility and self-restraint were much admired by the international community. A strong signal about the community's unity and sense of purpose was also sent. Thus the best way forward is to insist on protesting peacefully with dignity, determination and self-restraint.
Looking to the Legislative Council election in September, Hong Kong people should be psychologically prepared for a long, hot summer filled with political struggle, scandals, smear tactics and possibly even violence. This is because the Chinese authorities are worried that pro-democracy candidates may be able to secure a majority in the Council, and think that would make the territory ungovernable. Thus they are intervening to prevent that outcome.
Most people in my generation are not used to communist-style politics, and "one country, two systems" is intended to prevent the Chinese political system from spreading to Hong Kong. Now that the central authorities have decided to intervene, that shield has been removed and the local people have no choice but to deal with Chinese politics directly. In so doing, Hong Kong's people are like babes in the wood. Faced with the communist regime and its arbitrary and ruthless way of doing things, many Hong Kong people are very frightened. This is a big challenge and the people's wisdom will be severely tested.
The candlelight vigil last week was for the first time attended by people from China. It is not surprising that some Chinese people want to find out what happened 15 years ago. They must have found it refreshing and stunning to be able to have access to such information. When they return home, they will share the information with their friends and relatives.
Apart from Chinese visitors and tourists, it has been said that the Chinese authorities, both from Beijing and other provinces, have sent officials and security agents to the territory to monitor the situation. Some political activists are concerned that some people may try to cause trouble and create disturbances, and this will give the police an excuse to intervene or even compel the organizers to abandon the march on July 1.
Such a tense atmosphere is bad for Hong Kong and is weighing very heavily on the minds of people, be they rich or poor. This negative development, though not unexpected, has seriously undermined "one country, two systems." Instead of taking the people's concerns seriously, the territory's government simply dismissed them by arguing that the people's rights are protected by the Basic Law and saying that the central government will not do anything to undermine "one country, systems." Such a lame response does little to enhance public confidence and re-enforces the conviction that Hong Kong Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa (
Emily Lau is a legislative councilor in Hong Kong and convener of the Frontier Party.
Before 1945, the most widely spoken language in Taiwan was Tai-gi (also known as Taiwanese, Taiwanese Hokkien or Hoklo). However, due to almost a century of language repression policies, many Taiwanese believe that Tai-gi is at risk of disappearing. To understand this crisis, I interviewed academics and activists about Taiwan’s history of language repression, the major challenges of revitalizing Tai-gi and their policy recommendations. Although Taiwanese were pressured to speak Japanese when Taiwan became a Japanese colony in 1895, most managed to keep their heritage languages alive in their homes. However, starting in 1949, when the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) enacted martial law
“Si ambulat loquitur tetrissitatque sicut anas, anas est” is, in customary international law, the three-part test of anatine ambulation, articulation and tetrissitation. And it is essential to Taiwan’s existence. Apocryphally, it can be traced as far back as Suetonius (蘇埃托尼烏斯) in late first-century Rome. Alas, Suetonius was only talking about ducks (anas). But this self-evident principle was codified as a four-part test at the Montevideo Convention in 1934, to which the United States is a party. Article One: “The state as a person of international law should possess the following qualifications: a) a permanent population; b) a defined territory; c) government;
Chinese agents often target Taiwanese officials who are motivated by financial gain rather than ideology, while people who are found guilty of spying face lenient punishments in Taiwan, a researcher said on Tuesday. While the law says that foreign agents can be sentenced to death, people who are convicted of spying for Beijing often serve less than nine months in prison because Taiwan does not formally recognize China as a foreign nation, Institute for National Defense and Security Research fellow Su Tzu-yun (蘇紫雲) said. Many officials and military personnel sell information to China believing it to be of little value, unaware that
The central bank and the US Department of the Treasury on Friday issued a joint statement that both sides agreed to avoid currency manipulation and the use of exchange rates to gain a competitive advantage, and would only intervene in foreign-exchange markets to combat excess volatility and disorderly movements. The central bank also agreed to disclose its foreign-exchange intervention amounts quarterly rather than every six months, starting from next month. It emphasized that the joint statement is unrelated to tariff negotiations between Taipei and Washington, and that the US never requested the appreciation of the New Taiwan dollar during the
RSS