China's decision to control the pace of political reforms in Hong Kong is a reflection of the difficulty it has in stomaching the rise of democracy in both Taiwan and the territory, analysts say.
The ruling by China's legislature last Tuesday that any electoral change in Hong Kong must first get its approval would also sound the deathknell of the "one country, two systems" formula that Beijing wants to use in taking over Taiwan, they say.
"This is an issue that has to do with the Chinese leadership and how they approach politics," said Joseph Cheng, a China scholar at the City University of Hong Kong.
"Basically their frame of mind is that they cannot accept any situation in which they do not have control. This is not conducive to democracy," he said.
A lack of control has pushed communist leaders in Beijing to use extreme measures when confronted with democracy, often to disastrous effect and to international condemnation, he said.
The bloody quelling of the 1989 Tiananmen democracy protests is probably the best example of Beijing's extreme distaste for democracy, he added.
China's lack of savvy in electoral politics was also highlighted during the 1996 and 2000 presidential vote in Taiwan, when it shocked the region by using war games and missile tests in an attempt to sway people away from pro-independence candidates.
The result was just the opposite. Voters flocked to candidates opposed to Beijing's overtures for reunification, most notably President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁), who was re-elected last month.
Now Beijing is betting that by stifling Hong Kong's aspiration for electoral reforms, political turmoil of the kind that erupted in the territory last summer would be quelled, Cheng said.
"The situation in Hong Kong and Taiwan are very different," said Wong Ka-ying, a specialist on China-Taiwan dynamics at the Chinese University in Hong Kong.
"In Hong Kong, Beijing has used its control through legal methods to stop democratic reform, but this legal aspect does not exist in its relations with Taiwan," Wong said.
Whereas China can use its legislature to stop Hong Kong democracy, in the absence of saber-rattling, Beijing has had to resort to pressure on countries like the US to curb Taiwan's calls for independence, he said.
This has led to grave uncertainties in the Taiwan issue, Wong said.
"With the re-election of Chen Shui-bian and amid US presidential elections this year, Beijing has to decide to either ratchet up a harder response against Taiwan or to cave in with a more moderate response," Wong said.
"A military response cannot be counted out," he said.
China is likely to hold its fire on the Taiwan issue until after Chen's inauguration on May 20 or even until after the December legislative elections, Wong said.
Beijing may also seek to help pro-China figures get elected, in the hope that a legislative bloc could be formed to stop any move by Chen toward Taiwan independence, he said.
For Hong Kong, China's goal is to put an end to a noisy democracy debate that has led to calls for the removal of Beijing-appointed Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa (董建華), Wong said.
However, Cheng said this would be difficult to achieve.
"Hong Kong democrats are already planning a march for this July 1 and they want at least as many people on the streets as last year," when more than 500,000 marched.
"Beijing also has to worry about September legislative elections [in Hong Kong] in which pro-Beijing parties could do very badly because of this," Cheng said
Moreover, the heavy-handed measures on Hong Kong will mean an end to Beijing's efforts to woo Taiwan, Cheng said.
"This is the price Beijing has had to pay, if there is no democracy in Hong Kong it is obvious that the `one country, two systems' will have no appeal in Taiwan," he said.
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days. On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power. Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several
The Jamestown Foundation last week published an article exposing Beijing’s oil rigs and other potential dual-use platforms in waters near Pratas Island (Dongsha Island, 東沙島). China’s activities there resembled what they did in the East China Sea, inside the exclusive economic zones of Japan and South Korea, as well as with other South China Sea claimants. However, the most surprising element of the report was that the authors’ government contacts and Jamestown’s own evinced little awareness of China’s activities. That Beijing’s testing of Taiwanese (and its allies) situational awareness seemingly went unnoticed strongly suggests the need for more intelligence. Taiwan’s naval