Christine Mak never cared much for politics in money-mad Hong Kong. At least, not until China's communist government decided to warn Hong Kong people that pressing too hard for democracy was unpatriotic.
Mak has become increasingly irritated with Beijing and Hong Kong's pro-China politicians since they launched a strident campaign to douse demands for more voting rights.
"We are not dogs. Just because you throw us some biscuits, it does not mean we will eat and lick your boots," said Mak, a fund manager in her 30s.
Now she intends to vote for a democrat in Hong Kong's legislative elections in September.
In the latest salvo in the war of words over democracy in Hong Kong, China's official media and Beijing's supporters in the city have attacked pro-democracy legislators, some by name, as unfit to be trusted with political power and unpatriotic.
They have also reminded Hong Kong of the economic favors Beijing has bestowed on it since it returned to Chinese rule in 1997 and warned that the city would suffer if unsuitable individuals were voted in.
But there are fears the row, which has included personal attacks on pro-democracy politicians, could trigger more public anger which could in turn force an even stronger response from China's leaders.
"We are not afraid, we want democracy. The harsher Beijing is, the more we will demand," said office worker Daniel Wong.
The danger for Hong Kong is that the escalating confrontation rattles confidence in one of the world's main financial centers.
"If this situation prolongs, it will not be good. It could lead to large demonstrations and that may provoke an even stronger reaction from Beijing," said a money market dealer.
The big question for China is how many voters think like Mak?
Landslide for democrats?
Beijing's reprimands and warnings stem from a simple fear: that the leaders chosen by Hong Kong people will challenge its power.
"It is most worried that those elected will challenge its authority, support dissidents on the mainland, and Taiwan independence," said pollster and politics lecturer Timothy Wong of Hong Kong's Chinese University.
"Beijing wants Hong Kong people to set its mind at ease and promise not to deviate from these important principles before it will even talk about political reforms."
But the strategy is not working, if polls are to be believed. A survey of 1,237 people late last month by the independent Ming Pao newspaper showed 52 percent would vote for democracy candidates, while 25 percent would back pro-China parties.
A third of those polled said their impression of the central government had been damaged by the recent rhetoric from Beijing.
"If [Hong Kong] votes tomorrow, the democrats will have a landslide victory," Wong said.
If the democrats secure more than half of the 60 legislative seats, they will wield enough power for the first time to veto government policies and that could bring the China-backed administration to its knees.
Recession, protests
Like many others in the former British colony, Mak embraced Chinese rule and the economic perks that Beijing lavished on the city after the 1997 handover when it became embroiled in one economic recession after another.
But protests last year highlighted deep discontent with the China-backed administration, whose policies have been blamed for the city's financial troubles.
Opposition politicians, who are now in a minority and have no real power, have called for a rapid move to full direct elections by 2007, the earliest that the Constitution would allow.
Hong Kong was promised a high degree of autonomy under a "one country, two systems" agreement with Britain before the city was handed back to China.
But analysts say China, always wary of any threat to social stability, is unlikely to allow full democracy in Hong Kong and risk similar demands on the mainland.
China has underwritten confidence in Hong Kong as a world financial hub but there are signs the political wrangle is beginning to have an impact on the financial markets.
The Hong Kong dollar weakened slightly last Monday, which one dealer attributed partly to a fresh comment from a Chinese expert, who singled out a Hong Kong rights group as unpatriotic.
The group the expert named was the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of the Patriotic Democratic Movement in China, formed after the 1989 Tiananmen Square democracy protests in Beijing.
But some Hong Kong people say supporting pro-China candidates might be best for the city in the long run.
"It will not do to lock horns so aggressively with Beijing. It will only encourage it to throw out all our plans and we will be left with nothing. I will probably vote for pro-business candidates who have Beijing's ears," said executive Candy Lo.
Jan. 1 marks a decade since China repealed its one-child policy. Just 10 days before, Peng Peiyun (彭珮雲), who long oversaw the often-brutal enforcement of China’s family-planning rules, died at the age of 96, having never been held accountable for her actions. Obituaries praised Peng for being “reform-minded,” even though, in practice, she only perpetuated an utterly inhumane policy, whose consequences have barely begun to materialize. It was Vice Premier Chen Muhua (陳慕華) who first proposed the one-child policy in 1979, with the endorsement of China’s then-top leaders, Chen Yun (陳雲) and Deng Xiaoping (鄧小平), as a means of avoiding the
The last foreign delegation Nicolas Maduro met before he went to bed Friday night (January 2) was led by China’s top Latin America diplomat. “I had a pleasant meeting with Qiu Xiaoqi (邱小琪), Special Envoy of President Xi Jinping (習近平),” Venezuela’s soon-to-be ex-president tweeted on Telegram, “and we reaffirmed our commitment to the strategic relationship that is progressing and strengthening in various areas for building a multipolar world of development and peace.” Judging by how minutely the Central Intelligence Agency was monitoring Maduro’s every move on Friday, President Trump himself was certainly aware of Maduro’s felicitations to his Chinese guest. Just
A recent piece of international news has drawn surprisingly little attention, yet it deserves far closer scrutiny. German industrial heavyweight Siemens Mobility has reportedly outmaneuvered long-entrenched Chinese competitors in Southeast Asian infrastructure to secure a strategic partnership with Vietnam’s largest private conglomerate, Vingroup. The agreement positions Siemens to participate in the construction of a high-speed rail link between Hanoi and Ha Long Bay. German media were blunt in their assessment: This was not merely a commercial win, but has symbolic significance in “reshaping geopolitical influence.” At first glance, this might look like a routine outcome of corporate bidding. However, placed in
China often describes itself as the natural leader of the global south: a power that respects sovereignty, rejects coercion and offers developing countries an alternative to Western pressure. For years, Venezuela was held up — implicitly and sometimes explicitly — as proof that this model worked. Today, Venezuela is exposing the limits of that claim. Beijing’s response to the latest crisis in Venezuela has been striking not only for its content, but for its tone. Chinese officials have abandoned their usual restrained diplomatic phrasing and adopted language that is unusually direct by Beijing’s standards. The Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs described the